Time: Tuesday, 27/Aug/2024: 15:15 - 16:45 Session Chair: Nataša Simić |
Location: Room 112 in ΧΩΔ 02 (Common Teaching Facilities [CTF02]) [Floor 1] Cap: 77 |
Paper
Ethnic Discrimination – Secondary School Students’ Narratives about Possible Conflict Outcomes
1University of Belgrade - Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Psychology, Serbia; 2University of Belgrade - Faculty of Philosophy, Serbia; 3State University of Novi Pazar, Serbia
Presenting Author:Ethnic or ethnicity-based discrimination is a differential treatment based on ethnicity that disadvantages an ethnic group, thus negatively influencing life experiences and chances of its members (Gillborn, 2003). It appears in all spheres of life, including education, where school staff or peers can be perpetrators of discrimination. In that case ethnic discrimination encompasses intentional or unintentional behavior such as physical altercations (e.g., pushing or stealing from), verbal harassment (e.g., racial/ethnic jokes and making fun of), avoidance or isolation, threats and intimidation, and lack of respect for other cultures (e.g., not attempting to pronounce a name correctly) (Kiang & Kaplan, 1994; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Salamé, 2004; Wing, 2007). Ethnic discrimination can also be institutional, when school policies can actively or passively set ground for interethnic conflicts and unfavorable position of certain groups (e.g. absence of ethnic minority groups from school curriculum or colorblind attitudes or administrations) (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Salamé, 2004). Certain characteristics of school (e.g., ethnic composition of the student population) can also be associated with higher prevalence of ethnic discrimination and conflicts (Graham, 2018). Henze and associates (2002) offered the three-tier model of ethnic conflicts – The Iceberg Model of Racial or Ethnic Conflict (IMREC). According to IMREC, slurs or physical violence based on ethnicity lay at the top of the iceberg given that they are the most easily detectable forms of conflict. The second tier involves less overt forms of conflicts, such as group avoidance, group exclusion, and unequal treatment across groups. Finally, the foundation of the model encompasses the underlying factors contributing to racial or ethnic conflicts, such as segregation, institutionalized and individual racism, intentional or unintentional transmission of harmful beliefs across generations and inequality in distribution of resources.
The National Center for Education Statistics in the U.S. showed that ethnic discrimination and conflicts appear often - for example, 21.5% of students in U.S. public schools reported being the victim of bullying, with ethnicity/race being the most frequent cause of the conflict. The United States Department of Justice further indicated that as much as 64% of school-based hate crimes are motivated by race or ethnicity. Studies conducted in Europe show that between 15 and 25% of students are exposed to bullying (Veenstra et al., 2005). Research in Serbia showed that about two thirds of students experienced some form of school violence, while repeated bullying was reported by 5.1% of primary school students (Popadić & Plut, 2007). There is no data about prevalence of ethnic discrimination, but studies showed that Roma students are at higher risk of being discriminated against by both peers and school staff (Simić & Vranješević, 2022).
Experience of ethnic discrimination in school has a negative impact on both academic and socioemotional outcomes, such as adolescents’ sense of school belonging, self-esteem, depressive symptoms and academic achievement (Benner et al., 2018; Wong et al., 2003). Interethnic conflicts in schools can also negatively affect overall school climate, creating an unsafe environment and legitimizing violence across groups (Kiang & Kaplan, 1994; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Salamé, 2004). They can even destabilize entire communities which already have a history of interethnic tensions. Therefore, it is extremely important, especially in current times of interethnic conflicts escalating worldwide, to explore how youth interpret ethnic discrimination and conflicts and what outcomes they can imagine. This research focused on the ways secondary school students from Serbia interpreted the fictionalized scenarios about ethnic discrimination and bullying perpetrated by peers in schools and consequently what outcomes to this situation they envisaged.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
This study was conducted within the project “Narrativization of ethnic identities of adolescents from culturally dominant and minority backgrounds, and the role of the school context” (NIdEA), supported by the Science Fund of the Republic of Serbia (grant number 1518). For this specific study the vignette method was chosen because it proved to be suitable for exploring youth’ interpretative processes about complex and sensitive topics due to its projective nature, which makes it less threatening and invasive compared to methods that entail direct narration of personal experience (Jović, 2023). Scenarios that are viewed by participants as highly conceivable are more likely to produce thick data, so special attention was paid to the preparatory phase. Cognitive interviews with seven secondary school students were conducted and the vignette and the prompt were polished so as to be understandable and as close as possible to students’ real experience. Then eleven students participated in piloting the vignette and after they wrote their narratives a short focus group was conducted to collect more feedback. Final version of the vignette was administered to students from seven secondary schools located in multiethnic regions of Serbia (N = 85, 67% male, Mage = 16, 41.1% identified as minorities with Hungarian and Roma being the most represented) First, they were invited to read a vignette about a new student who came to their school and who experienced ethnicity-based discrimination and bullying. Then they were asked to write about the way(s) in which that situation concluded (what was happening, how that student felt, who else was involved, etc.).
After students’ narratives were typed into MAXQDA, inductive thematic analysis was applied (Boyatzis, 1998). Narratives contained one to six sentences and those more elaborated embraced up to four themes. In total 85 narratives were analyzed, and 131 coded segments were derived.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
Analysis revealed six major endings of the fictionalized story: a) No resolution (present in 3 narratives), b) Escalation (32), c) Retribution (19), d) Withdrawal (18), e) Reconciliation (55), and f) Building new friendships (2). Escalation diverged into two paths – either the discriminated student continued to be a victim which usually culminated in physical violence, or the discriminated student reacted violently, in some cases organizing revenge. Retribution typically followed escalation, although in some cases the school staff punished the act of verbal violence against the new student immediately. The theme Withdrawal refers to cases of mental suffering, withdrawing from the peer group and isolation, in some cases ending with the change of the class or the school. Students often imagined reconciliation that was either achieved by a constructive conversation between students or through mediation of school staff and/or parents. Finally, two students narrated about the discriminated student finding new friends and thus overcoming experience of ethnic discrimination.
Although we might say that negative scenarios prevail, in the case of Retribution it is not clear what happened after students got punished – if perpetrators stopped bullying the newcomer or if they continued bullying but using more subtle (e.g. IMREC second tier) methods. In addition, it is positive that teachers, school psychologists and principals are seen as resources for resolution of cases of ethnic discrimination (elaborated in 42 narratives). These strategies are in line with recommendations for a positive conflict resolution – that negotiation and legitimate power should be used (Isajiw, 2000). In addition to personal ways of construing conflict situations and outcomes, these narratives can help us better understand the school climate and ways schools typically react to ethnic violence.
References
Benner, A. D., Wang, Y., Shen, Y., Boyle, A. E., Polk, R., & Cheng, Y. P. (2018). Racial/ethnic discrimination and well-being during adolescence: A meta-analytic review. American Psychologist, 73(7), 855–883. https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000204
Boyatzis, R. E. (1998). Transforming qualitative information: Thematic analysis and code development. Sage.
Gillborn, D. (2003). Race, ethnicity and education: Teaching and learning in multi-ethnic schools. Routledge.
Graham, S. (2018). Race/ethnicity and social adjustment of adolescents: How (Not if) school diversity matters. Educational Psychologist, 53(2), 64–77. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.2018.1428805
Henze, R., Norte, E., Sather, S. E., Walker, E., & Katz, A. (Eds.). (2002). Leading for diversity: How school leaders promote positive interethnic relations. Corwin press.
Isajiw, W. W. (2000). Approaches to ethnic conflict resolution: paradigms and principles. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 24(1), 105-124. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0147-1767(99)00025-5
Jović, S. (2023). Calling Out Injustice: Youth from Differently Privileged Backgrounds Narrate About Injustice. Human Arenas. 6, 41–61. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00207-0
Kiang, P. N., Kaplan, J. Where do we stand? (1994). Views of racial conflict by Vietnamese American high-school students in a black-and-white context. Urban Review 26, 95–119. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02354461
Popadić, D., & Plut, D. Violence in Primary Schools in Serbia - Forms and Prevalence. Psychology, 40 (2), 309-328.
Rosenbloom, S. R., & Way, N. (2004). Experiences of Discrimination among African American, Asian American, and Latino Adolescents in an Urban High School. Youth & Society, 35(4), 420-451. https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X03261479
Salame, C. S. I. (2004). Rhetoric of exclusion and racist violence in a Catalan secondary school. Anthropology & education quarterly, 35(4), 433-450.
Simić, N. & Vranješević (2022). I fight, therefore I am: Success factors of Roma university students from Serbia. Psihološka istraživanjam XXV(2), 205-223.
Veenstra, R., Lindenberg, S., Oldehinkel, A. J., De Winter, A. F., Verhulst, F. C., & Ormel, J. (2005). Bullying and victimization in elementary schools: a comparison of bullies, victims, bully/victims, and uninvolved preadolescents. Developmental psychology, 41(4), 672–682. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.41.4.672
Wong, C. A., Eccles, J. S., & Sameroff, A. (2003). The influence of ethnic discrimination and ethnic identification on african american adolescents’ school and socioemotional adjustment. Journal of Personality, 71(6), 1197–1232. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-6494.7106012
Paper
Tracing the ‘Canonisation’ of Colonised Peoples into British Narratives of the First and Second World Wars in School History Textbooks
University of Birmingham, United Kingdom
Presenting Author:This paper traces the ways in which representations of race and racism have changed or remained the same in English commercial history textbooks from 1991 to the present day. In particular, the paper focuses on how colonised peoples are represented in 20th century history, and the tensions inherent in textbooks’ efforts to ‘include’ colonised peoples in the British historical canon (or ‘canonise’ them).
Research in the UK on race and history education tends to focus on curriculum policy (Haydn 2012; Faas 2011), the experiences or agency of teachers and/or students (Bracey 2016; Doharty 2019; Woolley 2019; Henry 2020; Huber & Kitson, 2020; Smith 2017, 2020; Hart 2021), or on teachers’ curriculum decision-making (Harris & Reynolds 2018; Harris 2021), leaving educational materials such as textbooks underexamined. When textbooks are the object of research, the approach taken is descriptive (Grindel 2013). Descriptive studies are less likely to consider the overarching ethico-political consequences of race-based representations and thus are limited in their analysis. Although there is a tradition of more critical research into processes of racialization in education (materials and practice) coming from the US (Epstein 2000; Mattias 2013; Chandler & McKnight 2009; Brown & Brown 2010; Brown & Au 2014), Canada (Montgomery 2006; Stanton 2014), Ireland (Bryan 2012), the Netherlands (Weiner 2014, 2016; Sijpenhof 2020), Portugal (Araujo & Maeso 2012), South Africa (Teeger 2015; Wilmot & Naido 2011; Subreenduth 2013), Israel (Nasser & Nasser 2008; Sheps 2019) and Hong Kong (Lin & Jackson 2019), it is considerably less prominent in research on England and its statutory history education.
It is well established that education, and history education in particular, is a core site for maintaining (and challenging) the status-quo (Gramsci 1971; Au & Apple 2009). In the UK, education reproduces and reinforces norms of whiteness and racial superiority (Bhopal 2018). The production of racial hierarchies (racialization) is an enduring modern process, but one that is iterative, fluid and slippery, becoming ever more entrenched, “submerged and hidden” with each iteration (Ladson-Billings 2009: 18). Today, we can understand racialization in terms of ‘postracial’ logics of racelessness, colour evasiveness, individualism, legal regimes of equality, and racial denial (Goldberg 2009, 2015; Lentin & Titley 2011) and, increasingly, the “post-postracial” resurgence of racial science (Lentin 2020: 25), both of which work to maintain and extend oppressive racial structures and hierarchies while shielding them from view.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
To provide a nuanced and robust understanding of evolutions in processes of racialization and the shifting faces of racisms in statutory history education in England, this paper journeys through each iteration of the National Curriculum (1991, 1995, 1999, 2007, 2014) and its interactions with 14 history textbooks published between 1991 and 2023. A historical tracing approach to Critical Discourse Analysis across this period was used. This enabled for more continual and subtle changes in discursive techniques to be observed across the period 1991-present, than simply comparing two distinct timepoints would allow. As such, both textbook progress and limitations can be acknowledged (Brown & Brown 2010), as well as an understanding of how symbolic and cosmetic changes are enacted, often packaged as structural and impactful change.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
This paper explores one, more hopeful, theme that has emerged from the wider study: the canonisation of colonised peoples into British narratives of the First and Second World Wars. Analysis demonstrates a slow, non-linear process of representing colonised peoples in a variety of ways. What appears begrudging and obligatory, at times self-aware and performative, transforms, most recently, into celebratory and restorative tones. I show how textbooks move between dehumanisation and near total exclusion from the canon, to segregation from the canon, ad-hoc and superficial inclusion (footnotes to the canon), assertions of authorial innocence at ‘forgotten’ histories, and moves, in 2023 textbooks, to directly confront and counter certain racial issues. First, the overwhelming whiteness of the canon is challenged. Second, certain textbooks are, to a degree, racially literate and acknowledge racial structures above and beyond the individual. Third, and in opposition to literature demonstrating binary, oversimplified individualising narratives of race/racism in textbooks (Chandler & McKnight 2009; Hutchins 2011; van Kessel & Crowley 2013), more recent individualised narratives take a detailed, humanising life-history approach. However, there remains a hesitance to meaningfully interrogate whiteness and tensions in understanding and disrupting racializing processes.
References
•ARAUJO, M. & MAESO, S. R. 2012. History textbooks, racism and the critique of Eurocentrism: beyond rectification or compensation. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35, 1266-1286.
•AU, W. & APPLE, M. W. 2009. “Rethinking reproduction: Neo-Marxism in critical education theory”, in: The Routledge International Handbook of Critical Education, Michael W. Apple, Wayne Au and Luis Armando Gandin (eds), New York, Routledge, 83–95.
•BROWN, A. L. & AU, W. 2014. Race, Memory, and Master Narratives: A Critical Essay on U.S. Curriculum History. Curriculum Inquiry, 44, 358-389.
•BHOPAL, K. 2018. White privilege: The myth of a post-racial society, Bristol, Policy Press.
•CHANDLER, P. & MCKNIGHT, D. 2009. The Failure of Social Education in the United States: A Critique of Teaching the National Story from "White" Colourblind Eyes. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, 7, 217-248.
•DOHARTY, N. 2019. 'I Felt Dead': Applying a Racial Microaggressions Framework to Black Students' Experiences of Black History Month and Black History. Race, Ethnicity and Education, 22, 110-129.
•GOLDBERG, D. T. 2009. The threat of race: Reflections on racial neoliberalism, Malden, Wiley-Blackwell.
•GOLDBERG, D. T. 2015. Are we all postracial yet?, Cambridge, Polity Press.
•GRAMSCI, A. 1971. Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited and translated by Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, London, Lawrence and Wishart.
•HAYDN, T. 2012. History in Schools and the Problem of "The Nation". Education Sciences, 2, 276-289.
•LADSON-BILLINGS, G. 2009. Just what is Critical Race Theory and what’s it doing in a nice field like education? In E. Taylor, D. Gillborn & G. Ladson-Billings (Eds.), Foundations of Critical Race Theory in education. New York: Routledge.
•LENTIN, A. 2020. Why race still matters, Cambridge, Polity Press.
•LENTIN, A. & Titley, G. 2011. The Crises of Multiculturalism: Racism in a Neoliberal Age, London, Zed Books.
•SMITH, J. 2017. Discursive Dancing: Traditionalism and Social Realism in the 2013 English History Curriculum Wars. British Journal of Educational Studies, 65, 307-329.
•SMITH, J. 2020. Community and contestation: a Gramscian case study of teacher resistance. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 52, 27-44.
•TEEGER, C. 2015. Ruptures in the Rainbow Nation: How Desegregated South African Schools Deal with Interpersonal and Structural Racism. Sociology of Education, 88, 226-243.
•VAN KESSEL, C. & CROWLEY, R. M. 2017. Villainification and Evil in Social Studies Education. Theory and Research in Social Education, 45, 427-455.
Paper
Bicultural Narrative and the Pedagogy of Recognition in a Roma High School
University of Pécs, Hungary
Presenting Author:Different socialization in family and school in multicultural societies and the challenges of interactions between cultures have drawn the social researchers’ attention to the need for more empirical research based on re-conceptualization and operationalization of dual-cultural adaptation (Berry, 1974; Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martínez, 2000; Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2013, Safa, Umaña & Taylor, 2021). The earlier assumption of biculturalism leading to marginalization by being trapped between the two cultures has been refuted by numerous studies revealing that dual-cultural orientation (heritage and host) contributes to a greater individual's adjustment (LaFromboise & Gerton, 1993; Berry, 2005; Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2013; Safa, Umaña & Taylor, 2021; Stogianni et al., 2021). Namely, the individual internalized system of values, beliefs, competences and knowledge constructed from the two cultures promote to access, integrate, and switch between cultural frames of reference across multiple domains. Research highlights the significance of enhancing awareness of bicultural competences for psychosocial adjustment and resilience. To change the cognitive-behavioral attitude of belonging to an undervalued minority culture, it is necessary to mobilize community cultural wealth, networking, and navigational capital from the part of the individual (Yosso, 2005, Safa, Umaña & Taylor, 2021). However, that certainly places a significant task on institutions to build a more bicultural learning environment of migrant or minority ethnic learners. A bicultural approach and intervention would be particularly relevant in the education of Roma children and young people, where the rejection of the heritage (or ethnic minority) culture and its replacement by the dominant culture (acculturation or assimilation) seems to be the only strategy proved by the majority. Unlike other nations the Roma, although not homogeneous, are a 'caste-like', 'forced minority' (Ogbu and Simons, 1998; Moldenhawer, 2014) across Europe. Several Roma Strategies implemented at both EU and national levels in recent decades address the structural social inequalities, stigmatizations and discrimination they face with focusing on Roma children's rights and equal access to education, support in academic achievement, and prevention of early school leaving. However, annual surveys by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights find that Member States' efforts result in limited and uneven progress in employment, education, health care and housing for Roma (European Union FRA, 2023). Surveys even confirm that inclusion-oriented education policies resulted an average of 8% more pupils in segregated institutions (European Union FRA, 2023:39). In Hungary, the proportion of Roma pupils successfully completing primary school has increased in recent decades, but one in two Roma young people drop out of secondary school (Kertesi and Kézdi 2016). Although, international research provide a robust evidence for the positive correlation between the existence and awareness of bicultural competences and learning outcomes in case of different dual-cultures, I have not found any literature or research on Roma biculturalism in my preliminary research. Most research focuses on catching-up (assimilation), deprivation, difficulties of integration, Roma culture is rarely given equal value. My research aims to expand the scope of the bicultural approach for the Roma youth by exploring the role of the Gandhi High School in Pécs in positively reinforcing Roma cultural and minority identity and raising awareness of biculturalism. The high school started immediately after the political transition in Hungary in the early 1990s when the recognition of the Roma as an ethnic minority (joining to the other twelve national minorities) in the Minority Act (Act LXXVII/1993) ensured the cultural right to launch the school as an innovative initiative. At the level of educational policy, the new Education Act (Act LXXIX/1993), which guaranteed educational pluralism, cultural identity and freedom of education, gave the chance to an inclusive teachers’ community to organize a bicultural learning environment with a completely new approach.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
My research questions focus on the fulfillment of the institution's declared bicultural goals, its role in Roma minority education and its practices. On the other hand, the reflections of the graduates between 2000-2003 will provide insight to how they experienced the bicultural learning context, whether they developed a bicultural identity; and whether bicultural competences helped them in adjustment.
1) Institutional and educational policy dimension
How did the democratising education and minority policy support the Gandhi Foundation to launch the first Roma national high?
2) Community and personal pedagogical dimension (the teachers and other implementers):
How were the stated objectives fulfilled and were they in line with personal activities and motivations?
3) The dimension of the students’ experience:
What were the students' understandings of the intentions of the founders and the teachers? What were their motivations for learning?
What role did Gandhi High School play in enriching cultural, social and psychological capital?
Did the teaching of ethnic-minority culture and language reinforce their Gypsy/Roma identity; and did this identity result in a positive self-image?
Methods
1) Document analyses
Analyzing the available sources of the documents of the institution and education and minority policy of the period (legislation, founding documents, pedagogical program, curriculum, other school rules and regulations, reports, architectural plans, summaries of the Board of Trustees meetings) evidences are provided about the awareness of bicultural institutional socialisation processes and the recognition of family socialisation; the tools and practices of resilience and capital accumulation; and issues of bicultural identity.
2) Semi-structured narrative interviews
- with three founding teachers and 6 selected from the first community of teachers (n=14) by interview focus on the intersection of individual and institutional motivations and goals, and teacher preparation.
- The focus of the semi-structured narrative interviews with twenty students (2000-2003) from the 2000-2003 graduating cohort (population: n=102):
- For the narrative interviews, I formed two groups of students: the first two cohorts (n=40) representing the start-up period, when there was no exemplary bicultural community in front of them; and the next two cohorts (n=62), who already had an example of bicultural patterns in front of them. The twenty interviewees were selected using a snowball method, using the students' own network of contacts on a voluntary basis. Students' ethnicity was assessed on the basis of students' self-declaration.
- I used the ATLAS.ti program for content analysis of the face-to-face and online interviews.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
At the present stage of the research the documents of the institution provided evidence for the positive bicultural learning environment. The content analysis finds that the documents between 1992-94 set strategies based on positively recognized Roma/Gypsy cultural values providing numerous affordances and demands for biculturalism to emerge and be adaptive. Explicit phrasing of belonging to dual-cultures, the founding charter of the school, the pedagogical program, the curriculum and the articles contain the school's strong commitment to a conscious balance between majority and minority cultures shaping of bicultural competence and attitudes. Similarly embedded bicultural content refer to the value of endorsing both cultures. Including Boash and Romani languages and Romani culture in the school curriculum had no precedent before and greatly contributed to the extent how the students affectively and cognitively organized their bicultural identities. A new narrative replaces catch-up and deficit terminology with a context of learning achievement, goal attainment, positive psychological capital, networking and community wealth.
The analyses of the narrative interviews with graduating students so far have identified several areas (strengthening and extending the analysis networks including both cultural groups, keeping in touch after high school, motivation to learn and perform with clear goal setting, usage of community wealth capital, shaping a positive Roma self-image, navigational capital, being proud, cooperative approach), which confirm that developing bicultural competence and identity achieved its goal. Further in-depth analysis along the lines of the research questions will further clarify our understanding of the processes and outcomes.
The narrative interviews with the founder teachers underpin the explicit data from the documentary analysis on the intentional bicultural and inclusive education of Roma pupils. Notably, this awareness was mainly the result of the attitude of acceptance and equity, and as a learning organization, the teachers' community played a mediating role between the two cultures.
References
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Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International journal of intercultural relations, 29(6), 697–712.
Brüggemann, C. (2014). Romani culture and academic success: Arguments against the belief in a contradiction. Intercultural Education, 25 (6), 439–452.
Csovcsics, E. (2002). Oktatás a "C" osztályban. A cigány gyerekek iskolai kudarcainak okairól. Vigilia. 67(9), 656-666.
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Hong, Y., Morris, M. W., Chiu, C., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2000). Multicultural minds: A dynamic constructivist approach to culture and cognition. American Psychologist, 55(7), 709–720.
Keresztes – Takács, O. (2014). Roma fiatalok identitásmintázatai. In: Cserti Csapó Tibor (szerk.) III. Romológus Konferenciakötet. Pécsi Tudományegyetem BTK NTI Romológia és Nevelésszociológia Tanszék, Pécs, 119–134.
LaFromboise, T. D., Coleman, H., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114, 395–412.
Neményi M. (2010) A kisebbségi identitás kialakulása: Roma származású gyerekek identitásstratégiái” In: Feischmidt M. (szerk.) Etnicitás: Különbségteremtő társadalom. Budapest: MTAKI – Gondolat. 48-56.
Nguyen, A. D, Benet-Martínez, V. (2013). Biculturalism and Adjustment: A Meta Analysis. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(1), 122–159.
Ogbu, J., U., Simons, H., D. (1998). Voluntary and Involuntary Minorities: A Cultural‐ecological Theory of School Performance with Some Implications for Education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 29(2), 155–188.
Plainer, Z. (2022). ‘Even if we are Roma, we are clean, respectful, and always went to school’. Intersections. East European Journal of Society and Politics, 8(2), 80–99.
Safa, M. D. & Umaña-Taylor, A.J. (2021). Biculturalism and adjustment among U.S. Latinos: A review of four decades of empirical findings. Adv Child Dev Behav, 61, 73-127.
Stogianni, M., Bender, M., Sleegers, W. W. A., Benet-Martinez, V., & Nguyen, A. (2021). Sample Characteristics and Country Level Indicators Influencing the Relationship Between Biculturalism and Adjustment: An Updated Meta-Analysis. h
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Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose Culture Has Capital? A Critical Race Theory Discussion of Community Cultural Wealth. Race. Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.