Time: Thursday, 29/Aug/2024: 15:45 - 17:15 Session Chair: Johanna F. Ziemes |
Location: Room 007 in ΧΩΔ 02 (Common Teaching Facilities [CTF02]) [Ground Floor] Cap: 64 |
Paper
Which Teaching Practices Promote Students’ Democracy Learning? A systematic review
1Swedish Institute for Educational Research; 2Stockholm University; 3University of Gothenburg
Presenting Author:The purpose of this systematic review was to provide an overview of research on the question: Which teaching practices promote students' democracy learning? We utilized a rigorous approach to thoroughly survey the literature and report research findings. The studies chosen focused on teaching practices with the explicit goal of enhancing students' democracy learning in school. Our review encompasses both intervention studies, which investigate the hypothesized causal relationship between specific teaching methods and students’ democracy learning, and correlational studies, which examine the connection between the classroom environment and students’ democracy learning. The studies indicate that teaching methods involving a high degree of student participation, such as discussions, group work, role-playing simulations, and student involvement in decision-making, effectively foster democracy learning. Furthermore, the studies suggest that an open and positive classroom environment, and teacher engagement, leadership and attitudes, are crucial factors in promoting students’ democracy learning.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
The information search was carried out in the following databases: Education Source – Education, ERIC – Education, APA PsycInfo – Psychology and Scopus – Interdisciplinary. The database searches were performed by first identifying relevant keywords in the three categories of (1) teaching, (2) students and children, and (3) democracy. The keywords in the three categories were gathered and formulated into search strings that were combined to find studies that included at least one keyword from all categories. The literature searches generated 7,771 unique hits that were entered into Rayyan QCRI software for screening. The team reviewed all titles and abstracts of the studies identified in the literature search. The studies that did not match the established criteria were excluded. The final part of the screening process was carried out by the three authors of this study, that independently of each other through a blinded procedure read the articles and judged whether they met with the criteria or not Studies that at least one of the persons judged to meet the criteria was passed on to the next step that included a joint quality appraisal. 139 studies remained for further screening in full text. The full text reading was also carried out by the authors, independently of each other. In this step the person who, after reading the full text, judged that a publication should be excluded was also required to indicate the reasons for this in accordance with the selection criteria and quality concerns.
After the full text review, 54 studies remained, and after further discussions about remaining issues 21 studies that met the criteria remained. Based on the results, a citation search was performed to find studies that had cited the remaining studies, as well as a chain search to find studies in the remaining studies’ reference lists. A total of 29 studies were included in the review. After that we carried out a systematic result extraction. Data and result extraction involves extracting relevant information from the studies included in the review. The aim was to describe the studies in terms of the research methods used, the results, and the conclusions. The work involved reviewing each study and noting the research question, research method, participants, teaching situation, materials, and tools used in teaching, as well as the researchers' interpretations and conclusions.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
Several conclusions can be drawn from this review. For upper secondary students, there are indications that it may be beneficial for teachers to combine teaching practices and include tasks and approaches that allow students to engage in discussions characterized by openness. For students in lower grades, there are signs that in certain contexts, it may be negative for teachers to use many different teaching methods to promote students’ democracy learning. The overall results of the review support the idea that teaching that involves students is beneficial for promoting their democracy learning, both in terms of knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values. Teaching for students’ democracy learning is about developing values and attitudes, which to some extent requires that the student is at the center of her or his learning process. Overall, the studies in this review show that there are different aspects of democracy learning that can be promoted through different teaching practices.
The research field, we argue, would benefit from a more systematic way of studying the outcomes of various teaching methods and teaching interventions in the subject teaching and in different school years, such as in lower school years where research is particularly meagre. We hope that this research review can inspire researchers to develop such a systematic research agenda that, in turn, could provide a more comprehensive picture of what the most productive ways of teaching to promote democracy are and can be.
References
Campbell, D. E. (2008). Voice in the classroom: How an open classroom climate fosters political engagement among adolescents. Political Behavior, 30(4), 437–454.
Ekman, J., & Amnå, E. (2012). Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology. Human Affairs, 22(3), 283–300.
Gainous, J., & Martens, A. M. (2012). The Effectiveness of Civic Education: Are “Good” Teachers Actually Good for “All” Students? American Politics Research, 40(2), 232–266.
Persson, M. (2015). Classroom Climate and Political Learning: Findings from a Swedish Panel Study and Comparative Data. Political Psychology, 36(5), 587–601.
Teegelbeckers, J. Y., Nieuwelink, H., & Oostdam, R. J. (2023). School-based teaching for democracy: A systematic review of teaching methods in quantitative intervention studies. Educational Research Review, 39, 100511.
Paper
Seeking Traces of Agonism: An Expert-Informed Analysis of Citizenship Education in Lithuania
Vilnius University, Lithuania
Presenting Author:As democracy is born anew with each generation (Dewey, 1916), an ongoing debate revolves around the type of citizens we aspire to create through education—whether they be reproducers of societal norms, future voters, responsible community members, or active participants in democratic processes. Within education systems of many countries, there exists a lack of consensus, leading to the coexistence of different and at times conflicting discourses on citizenship (Bickmore, 2014). Over the past decade, discussions within education have particularly reflected the tension between deliberative and agonistic democracy, with representatives advocating for different visions (Hanson & Howe; 2011; Ruitenberg, 2009; Tryggvason, 2018;). Agonistic democracy, proposed by Chantal Mouffe in 2000, stands out as an alternative that recognizes conflict as a typical and potentially beneficial aspect of democratic life. In response to global polarization and in deliberate contrast to deliberative democracy, agonistic democracy views conflict not as a threat but as a dynamic force propelling democracy forward. This approach is especially important in the contemporary landscape marked by widespread alienation and disconnection from democratic processes, emphasizing the pressing need to confront political challenges, particularly the surge in populist rhetoric (Tryggvason, 2018).Embracing a perspective that considers conflicts as opportunities for cultivating democratic citizenship within schools has the potential to bring about transformative changes in student participation and the learning process (Ruitenberg, 2009).
In Lithuania, the curriculum for democratic citizenship education was established three decades ago, following the country's regaining of independence after nearly half a century under totalitarian rule. From a study conducted by the Civil Society Institute a decade ago (Žiliukaitė, Stonkuvienė, Šupa, Petronytė, 2012), which argued that there is a need for a change in the approach to civic education (that it is not only about knowledge, but more about values, relationships, way of thinking, and the relationship between the educator and the student), we can assume (since no other studies have been done on this approach to civic education), that in the practice of education in Lithuania, the processes are moving slower than the global tendencies (Haste, Chopra, 2020). Given the absence of a robust tradition of democratic education, the post-independence era saw the implementation of foreign practices from older, more mature democracies without meticulous consideration. The educational system did not necessarily adopt a singular approach or democratic theory for integration into school life (NVO Švietimo tinklas, 2017). Therefore, this study will seek to find out how democratic citizenship education in Lithuania relates to the agonistic democracy approach.
Despite limited research into citizenship education in Lithuania, available insights suggest a notable shift, especially around 2004 during the country's accession to the European Union. In the present landscape influenced by the conflict in Ukraine, themes of patriotic education and military training gain prominence in public citizenship education. The crucial inquiry centers on the current state of democratic citizenship in Lithuania, seeking to discern inklings of agonistic democracy within the nation's citizenship education policies and practices. This study, by analyzing the democratic citizenship education landscape in Lithuania through the prism of agonism, aspires to offer a fresh outlook and unveil previously overlooked opportunities for enhancing democratic citizenship education in this country.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
In this research, a qualitative approach was employed, utilizing semi-structured interviews to delve into the historical trajectory and features of citizenship education in Lithuania. Eight experts (representatives of different stakeholders: politicians, oficials, representatives of formal education and the NGO sector) within the field of Lithuanian citizenship education were deliberately chosen, each bringing diverse perspectives that enriched the overall depth and breadth of the comprehensive exploration undertaken in this research (Van Audenhove & Donders, 2019). The research instrument, comprising interview questions, was meticulously crafted from the theoretical analysis of agonistic pedagogy (Koutsouris et al., 2022; Sant, 2019). Through interviews, the experts provided nuanced insights, shedding light on the presence or absence of agonistic features within the country's education system. For content analysis of the interview data, a structured coding and categorization process was employed to systematically identify and quantify specific elements, particularly focusing on uncovering hints of agonistic pedagogy within the discourse surrounding democratic citizenship education. Ethical considerations were paramount, ensuring informed consent, participant confidentiality, and the respectful handling of sensitive information. This research adhered to ethical guidelines, allowing participants the option to withdraw at any point.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
The anticipated outcomes of this research aim for a comprehensive understanding of the state of democratic citizenship education in Lithuania, delving into its historical trajectory and contemporary features. The study endeavors to unveil nuances in how the educational system either aligns with or deviates from the principles of agonistic democracy.
From the analysis, it became apparent that democratic citizenship education in Lithuania is perceived differently by experts, indicating its multifaceted nature with diverse theories, perspective and the tensions that arise from the different goals of citizenship education, especially in the context of today's wars. While the mention of agonistic democracy was absent, subtle traces of agonistic principles were detected both in formal education practices and the broader discourse on the topic in Lithuania. This discovery signifies an opportunity to introduce and strengthen agonistic pedagogy within the educational landscape.
In conclusion, this study yields valuable insights into the nuanced landscape of Lithuanian citizenship education, contributing to the broader discourse on democratic education. By utilizing the agonistic democracy framework, the research not only deepens our understanding of citizenship education in Lithuania but also establishes a foundation for future research endeavors and potential policy considerations, particularly in enhancing democratic citizenship education within the country.
References
Bickmore, K. (2014). Citizenship education in Canada: ‘Democratic’ engagement with differences, conflicts and equity issues? Citizenship Teaching & Learning Vol. 9, Nr. 3.
Dewey, J. (1916/2013). Demokratija ir ugdymas. Įvadas į ugdymo filosofiją. Klaipėda: Baltic printing House
Haste, H., Chopra V. (2020). The futures of education for participation in 2050: educating for managing uncertainty and ambiguity. Background paper for the Futures of Education initiative.
Hanson, J., & Howe, K. (2011). The Potential for Deliberative Democratic Civic Education. Democracy and Education, 19(2). https://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol19/iss2/3
Koutsouris, G., Stentiford, L., Benham-Clarke, S., & Hall, D. (2022). Agonism in education: A systematic scoping review and discussion of its educational potential. Educational Review, 74(5), 1029–1054. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131911.2021.1889983
Mouffe, C. (2000). The Democratic Paradox. Verso.
Mouffe, C. (2013). Agonistics: Thinking The World Politically (1st edition). Verso.
NVO švietimo tinklas (2017). Pilietiškumo studija.
Ruitenberg, C. W. (2009). Educating Political Adversaries: Chantal Mouffe and Radical Democratic Citizenship Education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 28(3), 269–281. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11217-008-9122-2
Sant, E. (2019). Democratic Education: A Theoretical Review (2006–2017). Review of Educational Research, 89(5), 655–696. https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654319862493
Tryggvason, Á. (2018). Democratic Education and Agonism: Exploring the Critique from Deliberative Theory. Democracy & Education, 26(1), 1–9.
Van Audenhove, L., & Donders, K. (2019). Talking to People III: Expert Interviews and Elite Interviews. In H. Van den Bulck, M. Puppis, K. Donders, & L. Van Audenhove (Eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Methods for Media Policy Research (pp. 179–197). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16065-4_10
Žiliukaitė, R., Stonkuvienė, I., Šupa, M., Petronytė, I. (2012). Pilietiškumo ugdymo būklės kokybinis tyrimas: Tyrimo ataskaita.
Paper
Citizenship Education with Chinese Characteristics: The Theory and Practice of Core Socialist Values and Ideological-Political Education in Chinese Universities
Faculty of Education, Shenzhen University
Presenting Author:The focus of this study is on a mandatory course in Chinese higher education – ideological-political education (IPE) – and the widespread political slogans known as the Core Socialist Values (CSVs), promoted by the Chinese authorities (Gow, 2017; MoE, 2018). This study of IPE in Chinese higher education explores how CSVs are introduced in this mandatory course. It draws on the literature of democratic citizenship education and applies Gramscian concepts to the Chinese context (Adamson, 2014; Gramsci, 1971). While previous Chinese literature has extensively suggested the successful implementation of CSVs in IPE classes, there is a lack of comprehensive empirical studies in English (Vickers & Zeng, 2017). This investigation of CSVs in IPE includes analysing policy documents, and official textbooks, observing IPE classes in four universities, and conducting interviews with 40 IPE students and lecturers. The collected data is analysed to reveal the ways in which the Chinese authorities employ political indoctrination and political socialisation (Greenstein, 1970; Merry, 2005) to develop hegemonic common-sense understandings within Chinese civil society.
The study provides substantial evidence of the implementation of commitment to CSVs. It investigates the top-level design of policies from the governmental perspective, and how CSVs and official requests are enacted in IPE classrooms in detail. It also includes specific evaluations and assessments from IPE lecturers and students. The study reveals that the authorities are eager to establish a new form of common sense, leading people to believe that CSVs are essential values for the Chinese people. This fosters a cultural hegemony that reinforces the power of the authorities’ integral state (Gramsci, 1971). To fulfil official requests, lecturers also employ various distinctive strategies in terms of introducing and promoting CSVs, which can be categorised into three types of teaching approaches: 1) Confirmist, 2) Compromiser, and 3) Innovator. Additionally, both lecturers and students recognise the functions and aims of CSVs in education, but they also express reservations and offer suggestions for improvement in various perspectives, including policy-making, teaching practices, and assessment. Notably, these perspectives are often considered abstract, ambiguous, and lacking specificity.
IPE promotes CSVs as the standards that ensure the political and social stability necessary for China’s economic development and social evolution. This reinforces the ruling party’s perceived legitimacy and justifies civil society's compliance with political control. This educational model is distinctively Chinese and contrasts with more liberal models prevalent elsewhere in the world for building cultural hegemony. IPE was an important agent created by the authorities within political society, intended to consolidate the authorities’ dominance through training and education within civil society. The evolution of the IPE curriculum consistently reflects crucial socio-political changes within Chinese authorities since 1949. In a broader sense, IPE was established and modified for political purposes within political society, with its detailed curriculum and practices specifically reflecting this form of education within civil society. Changes to IPE might encompass pedagogical goals like citizenship awareness and moral education, but it is primarily oriented towards the ideological and political purposes of political society.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
This paper draws on data collected by the author as part of his doctoral research. During the PhD study, the author employed qualitative approaches, including document analysis, semi-structured interviews, and class observation. The author analyzed current education policy and the official curriculum for IPE (Interprofessional Education) and CSVs (Core Social Values), exploring how authority establishes expectations and regulations for IPE and CSVs. Additionally, the author observed over 60 IPE sessions with 14 lecturers in four Chinese higher education institutes, investigating how IPE lecturers introduce and discuss CSVs in their teaching practice through specific approaches. Finally, the author conducted semi-structured interviews with almost 40 lecturers and students. This analysis delves into how lecturers understand CSVs and how students evaluate lecturers' teaching practices in order to assess their alignment with official values. In conclusion, three sources of data can triangulate and facilitate further discussion on policy-making, curriculum formation, teaching practices, and student evaluations.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
Therefore, in terms of both content and process, there was central control. The authorities' requirements were intended to promote CSV through IPE, and the expectation was that this was to be carried out in an indoctrinatory fashion, serving as the first step to create common sense. At the same time, the CSV condenses official ideology into a set of explicitly stated values. In so doing, it makes it easier for students to memorise and reproduce these, and so encouraged a dominant position for the authorities. Generally, the government in political society prescribed CSV for education practice and performance in civil society. In this general process, civil society did not have the further autonomy to alter or refuse but only to accept and implement what the political society offered.
IPE builds up “common sense” as Gramsci proposed and, in so doing, establishes a cultural “common sense” in the minds of young people. However, even among those who were compliant or positive, many actively decided for themselves which particular CSV they valued the most. Then there were the rare 'dissenters' who questioned the notion of IPE and CSV. Even some of the students who had critical comments about the CSV, still acknowledged in their reflections that CSV is a good sense for social change. Even this mildly critical viewpoint contributes to cultural hegemony in Chinese society. The final result is that common sense vis-a-vis CSV has been established in young people's minds, and this builds up cultural common sense led by the authorities and enables the party to strengthen its social evolution over Chinese society.
References
Adamson, W. L. (2014). Hegemony and Revolution: A Study of Antonio Gramsci’s Political and Cultural Theory. Echo Point Books & Media.
Gow, M. (2017). The Core Socialist Values of the Chinese Dream: Towards a Chinese Integral State. Critical Asian Studies, 49(1), Article 1. https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2016.1263803
Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci. International Publishers.
Greenstein, F. (1970). Socialisation: Political Socialisation. In N. J. Smelser (Ed.), Review of the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (pp. 969–978). University of Chicago Press.
Merry, M. S. (2005). Indoctrination, Moral Instruction, and Nonrational Beliefs: A Place for Autonomy? Educational Theory, 55(4), Article 4.
MoE. (2018). Use IPE Textbooks and Arm Students’ Brains through Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (用好讲好高校思政理论课教材 用中国特色社会主义最新理论成果武装大学生头脑) [Gov]. Ministry of Education of PRC. https://www.eeafj.cn/syzhxx/20180517/8158.html
Vickers, E., & Zeng, X. (2017). Education and Society in Post-Mao China. Taylor & Francis.
Paper
"We” vs. “Them": Systematic analysis of History Textbooks in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina.
University of Agder, No, Norway
Presenting Author:Although the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) officially ended in 1995 with the Dayton Peace Agreement, it is fair to say that the post-war era is still characterized by various forms of divisions in political, economic, and public life. This profound division in BiH is also clearly visible at all levels of education in the country, with three independent educational systems containing several additional sub-systems in different geographical areas (i.e., cantons). These three educational programs roughly correspond to existing ethnic divisions that dominate the political, economic, and social situation in BiH (i.e. Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnjak ethnicity).
There currently exists extensive literature describing various dilemmas associated with history narration in BiH, ranging from traditional educational textbooks (Šimic, 2020), empirical analysis (Pilvi, 2007), to various cinematic representations of the war (Abazovic, 2014). The nearly unanimous agreement in contemporary literature is that the content of these textbooks provides grounds for inappropriate educational practices that might negatively influence free thinking and the construction of a healthy, functional society. Thus, educational programs in BiH are consistently evaluated as being instrumental in the creation of strong and uniform ethnic nationalism and ethnic politics (Pilvi, 2007; Baranovic, 2001).
Considering the widely accepted idea that education represents one of the most important building blocks of a functional society and civic behavior (Pilvi, 2009), a comprehensive analysis of textbooks in BiH would be of paramount importance if one aims to induce political and cultural changes supporting progress, stability, and development. Furthermore, the existence of different historical narratives might represent a challenge to peace-making processes in the country and have a negative impact on the development of democratic attitudes in young people who are expected to participate in decision-making processes in the future (Pilvi, 2009).
However, the conclusions in the previous research, with some exceptions (e.g., Pilvi, 2007), are predominantly based on sheer theoretical reasoning and, more importantly, on relatively narrow data material concerning the content of the history books used as a curriculum on various levels of youth education in BiH. As such, there is very little work that makes the connection between concrete, broad, and transparent empirical material on one side and the conclusions reached on the presented material on the other. Thus, the majority of the previous research on this topic fails to (1) nuance the differences between the three ethnically based educational programs, (2) include multiple educational levels (i.e. both elementary and secondary education), and, more importantly, (3) offer transparent data to support the claims. Based on previous research (Pilvi, 2007), it is expected that all books contain the two main categories, namely “us” vs. “them.” However, there presently exists very little knowledge concerning the nuances between these two categories, the tools used to achieve such separation, and the discursive tone used to promote the idea of ethnic division.
With this knowledge gap in mind, the aim of the present study is to examine the content of a relatively large quantity of various textbooks used in BiH, ranging from the 8th and 9th grades of elementary school up to the 4th grade of high school, including all three educational programs. The empirical point of departure in this paper is based on exploratory content analysis and the search for dominant and common codes that, in an aggregated manner, tend to form central themes in these books. Thus, the main aim is to identify and analyze the central themes that underlie “us” versus “them” divisions and consequently make recommendations for future history textbooks that increase the chance of shared perspectives among young future generations.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
Data Material
A total of 36 textbooks were included in the analysis (11 Bosniak, 16 Croatian, and 9 Serbian). All educational levels, from the 8th and 9th grade of elementary school up to the 4th grade of high school in all three educational programs, are represented. The majority of the reviewed texts are written in the Latin alphabet, with a few exceptions of the Serbian and Bosnjak textbooks that contain sections in the Cyrillic alphabet. Croatian textbooks are authored by 20 different persons, Bosnjak books by 13, and Serbian by 12.
Analysis
The present study is based on exploratory content analysis with the aim of "making replicable and valid inferences from texts to the contexts of their use" (Krippendorff, 2013, p.24). Thus, the intention is that extracted categories and the consequent conclusions are possible to replicate, using the same procedures (Drisko & Maschi, 2016). In the method section, the position and the background of the researcher team are discussed. The first step of the analysis consisted of identifying the sections that are relevant for the purposes of the present study. These sections regard the descriptions of the "local" history of BiH, without connections to the historical movements in Europe and the world in general. Second, all sections of relevance were examined to gain an overview of the material. Third, multiple repeating codes were marked and colored. Fourth, identified codes of interest were merged into larger themes with the aim of detecting the main categories. At this point, the well-known "back and forth" process that is characteristic of qualitative analysis took place in the pursuit of the latent messages hidden in the text. The final stage was to select the themes that nuance the division between "us" vs. "them". All analyzed textbooks share a common variance when it comes to the description of the main historical events but drastically differ in terms of (1) focus, (2) terminology, and (3) interpretations when it comes to descriptions of "us" vs. "them". The main categories are (1) discursive tools of separation, historical markers defining "us" vs. "them", and the role of religion in defining "us". It should be noted that the wording "we" vs. "them" could not be replaced by "we" vs. "others," meaning that separation is specifically directed toward the two other competing ethnic groups in the country.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
George Orwell (1960, p. 34) famously stated, "Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present controls the past." It is easy to relate these words to the present schooling situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the current data material. The overall conclusion is that the analyzed books represent an obstacle to a shared future that promotes socially responsible civic actions, as well as democratic, pluralistic, and tolerant attitudes. The shortcomings of these books are not situated within one specific sentence but are rather associated with the general tone, the nature of discourse, and all implicit and explicit literary tools that reinforce ethnicism by using strategic narrative to promote their own ethnic group and devalue others.
All three educational programs are sending the same message about who "our" people are and who the "others" are, only varying in the choice of narration. They all use polemical representations of others (Moscovici, 1988) and demographic numbers and maps to promote their ethnic arguments. The problem is not in the accuracy of numbers or maps but rather in the selective choices that serve given ethnic positions.
However, the narration differs, with Croatian textbooks tending to use distancing (BiH is "that country" or "this country," indicating foreign territory), Serbian dominating (BiH is established on the territories where Serbs historically populated or was, in fact, a part of Serbia), and Bosniak denying strategy (the ethnicity of Croatians and Serbs in BiH is the result of propaganda from neighboring states and is thus a relatively novel category).
The findings in the present study are detailed with quotes and references from various textbooks but are not reported here due to the limited word count. Implications for future research are also discussed, including recommendations for textbooks that promote the development of civic actions.
References
Abazović, D. (2014): Reconciliation, ethnopolitics and religion in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In: D. Abazović & M. Velikonja (eds.): Post-Yugoslavia. New Cultural and Political Perspectives (pp. 35-56). London: Springer.
Baranovic, B. (2001). History textbooks in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Intercultural Education, 12(1), 13-26.
Drisko, J. W., & Maschi, T. (2016). Content analysis: pocket guides to social work research methods. New York: Oxford University Press.
Krippendorff K. (2013). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Moscovici, S. (1988). Notes towards a description of social representations. European journal of social psychology, 18(3), 211-250.
Orwell G. (1960) Nineteen Eighty-Four. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Torsti, P. (2007). How to deal with a difficult past? History textbooks supporting enemy images in post‐war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 39(1), 77-96.
Torsti, P. (2009). Segregated education and texts: A challenge to peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. International Journal on World Peace, 26(2),65–82.
Šimić, G. (2020). To believe or not to believe: Current history textbooks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In G. Ognjenović & J. Jozelić (Eds.), Nationhood and politicization of history in school textbooks. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.