28. Sociologies of Education
Paper
The Consecrated Youth and the Institutional Habitus of Elite Upper-Secondary schools in Iceland
Berglind Ros Magnusdottir
University of Iceland, Iceland
Presenting Author: Magnusdottir, Berglind Ros
Elite identity formation is shaped differently from one nation to another, but generally, the secondary and higher education system has an important role in its (re)production (Bourdieu, 1998; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). This study explores institutional habitus of elite schools through the choices, experiences, and future aspirations of Icelandic students. When the research is conducted, the students were about to finish their matriculation exams from schools known as elite schools in terms of academic performance.
The Nordic countries are often presented as model societies with high levels of happiness, commitments to democratic and meritocratic processes, and low levels of corruption and elitism. However, in recent years the social and cultural landscape of the educational field in the Nordic cities has been changing into a multicultural, class divergent and market-oriented society (Dovemark et al., 2018). Recent studies show clear correlation between student achievement and their backgrounds (Berglind Gísladóttir et al., 2019; Eiríksdóttir et al., 2022) as well as socio-geographical accumulation of economic and educational capital in certain neighbourhoods and schools (Magnúsdóttir et al., 2020). Despite the domination of neo-managerial policies in educational governance worldwide for the last 30 years the education system in Iceland bypassed most of the accountability policies but largely adopted the school autonomy policies. For the last decade, there have been no standardized tests at the end of the compulsory school level (Steiner-Khamsi et.al, forthcoming). The rationale for the importance of standardized tests was among other things to enhance meritocracy in selection process to elite secondary and higher education. In the last years, the hierarchy between school institutions at the upper-secondary level has become steeper and the route to success through the education system muddier. The combination of these factors has produced high importance to explore how elite institutions and identities are constructed and socially reproduced in this Nordic educational context.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedOne part of this research was conducted as a comparative study between Icelandic and Finnish education system using the same analytical framework (Magnúsdóttir & Kosunen, 2022) of Bourdieu’s conceptual framework (1998) to examine two elite educational institutions in each country from students’ perspective. This part of the analysis goes deeper into the institutional habitus of schools in the Icelandic system by reaching out to 10 schools in Iceland, thereof five of them selecting students of high achievement. Highly selective schools tend to produce what Bourdieu (1998: 102) described as ‘consecrated elite, that is, an elite that is not only distinct and separate, but also recognized by the other and by itself as worthy of being so’. In the analysis the concept of habitus is extended to capture the set of predispositions, taken-for-granted expectations and schemes of perception inside the schools (Reay et al., 2005; Tarabini et al., 2017), what has been referred to as institutional habitus. This is done through the voices of students as well as head teachers/principals and statistical background information derived from school administration.
The aim is to explore the distinctive features of the schools and how the inherited and social capital of the students harmonize with their institutional habitus and play a part in their choices and experiences. What kind of habitus do they promote and discard through their academic and social practice? What kind of higher-education aspirations are framed in this context? How is the institutional habitus of these schools different and what do they have in common to elite schools in other countries?
The main data collection was through semi-structured interviews conducted with 4-5 students from each school, altogether 48 interviews in 10 schools. The analysis was qualitative content analysis. Theory-informed analytical categories were applied on all discourse about prior school path, parents’ and siblings’ school paths and occupational careers, everyday life in school, social relationships in school, teachers’ expectations towards the students, homework, role of money in life, leisure activities, family time, political views and future aspirations. In addition, interviews were conducted with head teachers or principals having a long history of working in the school to better understand the history and institutional habitus of the school. The data on the non-selective schools was only used to triangulate or counterbalance the analysis of the selective ones.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe preliminary results show that most students did not experience much of a disjuncture between habitus and field in these elite schools. Educational choices were shaped and restricted by the inherited capital of their families, peers and friends and the young people did draw clear boundaries between school institutions. Family and fellow students’ values were ingrained into the habitus, and the awareness of privilege and class position was limited, as the schools were filled with other young people from higher social classes. The feeling of being the ‘right’ student for the school is an enactment of their habitus fitting well in the field of highly selective education. There were narratives of consecrative moments due to students’ visibility as members of elite institution, in terms of respect and popularity on the social media. The few that experienced being out of place were the ones coming from a more sociocultural distance in terms of social class or ethnicity. These schools were known to prepare students to be active in different fields of power, i.e. the economic, cultural or political field with very clear boundaries between them. They were serving different formations of middle-classness. Majority of the students in the selective schools were strongly directed towards status or canonical disciplines at the university level compared to students in the other schools. There is an obvious class (re)production mechanism driving their HE choices shaped by the institutional habitus of their upper-secondary schools and inherited capitals. The actual admission to the ‘right’ universities and disciplines requires certain capitals and habitus formation that is further nuanced in the selective upper-secondary schools.
ReferencesBourdieu, P. (1998). The State nobility: Elite schools in the field of power (L. C. Clough, Trans.). Polity Press.
Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1977). Reproduction in education, society and culture. Sage.
Dovemark, M., Kosunen, S., Kauko, J., Magnúsdóttir, B., Hansen, P., & Rasmussen, P. (2018). Deregulation, privatisation and marketisation of Nordic comprehensive education: social changes reflected in schooling. Education Inquiry, 1-20. https://doi.org/10.1080/20004508.2018.1429768
Eiríksdóttir, E., Blöndal, K. S., & Ragnarsdóttir, G. (2022). Selection for Whom? Upper Secondary School Choice in the Light of Social Justice. In A. Rasmussen & M. Dovemark (Eds.), Governance and Choice of Upper Secondary Education in the Nordic Countries: Access and Fairness (pp. 175-197). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08049-4_10
Gísladóttir, Haraldsson, & Björnsdóttir. (2019). Samband menntunar foreldra við frammistöðu þátttakenda í PISA-könnuninni á Norðurlöndum [The relation between parents’ education level and students’ performance in the PISA study]. Netla. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.24270/serritnetla.2019.32
Magnúsdóttir, B. R., Auðardóttir, A. M., & Stefánsson, K. (2020). The Distribution of Economic and Educational Capital between School Catchment Areas in Reykjavík Capital Region 1997–2016. Icelandic Review of Politics & Administration, 16(2), 285-308. https://doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2020.16.2.10
Magnúsdóttir, B. R., & Kosunen, S. (2022). Upper-Secondary School Choices in Reykjavík and Helsinki: The Selected Few in the Urban North. In A. Rasmussen & M. Dovemark (Eds.), Governance and Choice of Upper Secondary Education in the Nordic Countries: Access and Fairness (pp. 77-95). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08049-4_5
Reay, D., David, M., & Ball, S. J. (2005). Degrees of Choice: Class, Race, Gender and Higher Education. Trentham books.
Steiner-Khamsi, G., Jóhannesdóttir, K. & Magnúsdóttir, B. R. (forthcoming). The school-autonomy-with-accountability reform in Iceland: Looking back and making sense. Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy.
Tarabini, A., Curran, M., & Fontdevila, C. (2017). Institutional habitus in context: implementation, development and impacts in two compulsory secondary schools in Barcelona. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 38(8), 1177-1189. https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2016.1251306
28. Sociologies of Education
Paper
Beyond a Sense of Obliviousness: Elite Education and National Identity Among Palestinian Students in Israel
Dalia Halabi, Avihu Shoshana
Haifa University, Israel
Presenting Author: Halabi, Dalia;
Shoshana, Avihu
Abstract
Many researchers of elite education argue that elite schools tend to cultivate apolitical attitudes, blindness towards race and ethnicity and obliviousness to privilege (Horvat & Antonio, 1999; Khan & Jerolmack, 2013). This is particularly true when describing elite education among hegemonic groups. Yet what happens in elite educational institutions targeting national minority groups? Do these students also exhibit a color-blind approach and/or a sense of obliviousness, as described by Khan (2011)? Is a culture of silence (Castagno, 2008) also dominant in these schools? These questions guided our research about private education among PCI (Palestinians, citizens of Israel), a national, indigenous minority that experiences stigmatization and ongoing discrimination (Ghanem & Mustafa, 2011).
Education in Israel is segregated based on nationality and religious orientation, resulting in separate educational sectors for religious and secular Jewish children, as well as Arab children (Arar, 2012). These sectors include both state and non-state schools. Private schools catering to moderately religious and ultra-orthodox Jewish students, as well as Arab church-affiliated schools, receive partial government funding. Most school children in Israel are enrolled in the state educational system (Agbaria & Pinson, 2019).
Findings in this article are based on thirty-five in-depth interviews conducted with high school students attending two elite private schools. One is located in an Arab city and the second in a city comprised of both Arabs and Jews (a ‘mixed’ city); both are in northern Israel. The findings presented here address two primary research questions. Firstly, what are the defining features of national identity exhibited by Palestinian students enrolled in elite schools? Secondly, how does an elite school contribute to the formation and shaping of national identity amongst its students? This research builds on previous studies that have examined the relationship between elite education, class, and the reproduction of elite identity (Bourdieu, 1986; Demerath, 2009; Khan, 2012). However, it examines a unique case study: Arab Palestinians in Israel who are a marginalized national minority facing discrimination and racism while simultaneously undergoing the emergence of their own self-defined elite (Haidar & Bar-Haim, 2022).
Our findings support existing research and bring forth new insights. Consistent with prior studies, we identified an elite identity (Demerath, 2009) and a positive self-perception, accompanied by a sense of entitlement and agency (Gaztambide-Fernández et al., 2003). Interviewees also expressed a positive orientation towards the future and an ability to aspire (Appaduri, 2004). Furthermore, the study confirms the role of schools in shaping and fostering elite identity through mechanisms such entrance exams, extracurricular programs, alignment with elite cultural norms, academic orientation initiatives, and discourses of excellence (Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2009). However, this research identified three distinct group-specific characteristics. Firstly, in the school selection process, parents and students seek institutions that emphasize academic excellence and also prioritize engendering a patriotic stance with special emphasis on Palestinian national identity. Secondly, interviewees demonstrated a high level of political awareness due to the unique practices and rituals implemented by both schools. This is noteworthy given that it deviates from the widely-held understanding of hegemonic elite groups, who often remain oblivious to inequality and consider social hierarchies to be the norm (Khan, 2011). Lastly, interviewees expressed profound pride in their national identity, which coexists with their pursuit of academic excellence within a deeply discriminatory reality.
This paper contributes to understanding how elite education intersects with the construction of national identity among minority elites. It offers insights into the experiences of Palestinian students facing discrimination while also highlighting the emergence of a self-defined elite within this specific sub-group.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedMethodology
This research was qualitative; we conducted semi-structured interviews with 35 twelfth-grade students from two elite schools in northern Israel. Interviews focused on six main themes including (1) personal and educational backgrounds, (2) personal and collective identity, (3) culture and leisure activities, (4) school experiences and perceptions, (5) future orientation, and (6) the social and political situation in Israel and Arab Palestinian society. They generally lasted 60-90 minutes and were recorded and transcribed for analysis. The research received ethical approval from the ethics committee of the Faculty of Education at the affiliated university of both authors.
Students were recruited with assistance from twelfth-grade coordinators and homeroom teachers; home room teachers encouraged them to participate. Parental consent was required for participants under the age of 18; five interviewees were 18 and did not require parental consent. Of the 35 students interviewed, 18 were male and 17 were female. Over two-thirds of the students reported having a close family member who either currently attends or has previously attended one of the two schools, usually siblings. Nearly half of the students reported having at least one parent who is an alumnus of one of the schools.
We examined, categorized, and interpreted the data to identify patterns, themes, and connections in accordance with grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Accordingly, we employed open coding where we captured the essence of the data. We then organized the data into themes or categories, an iterative process which facilitated the emergence of new insights and perspectives (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This enabled us to capture the perspectives of our research population.
The research was conducted at two different schools: the first school is located in an Arab town, while the second is in a mixed Arab-Jewish city. Both schools are categorized as private church schools. Students in both schools are of high socioeconomic status (SES) a measurement is based on the education level of the most educated parent, family income and more. Both schools are top-ranked nationally in terms of student eligibility for matriculation certificates in scientific subjects such as biotechnology systems, physics, biology, electronics, and computers. They have highly competitive and exclusive admissions processes which attract students from their respective cities and also from other locales nationally.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsConclusions
Our research supports existing findings while offering new insights into educational elitism among national minority groups. Consistent with previous studies, interviewees demonstrated elite subjectivity (Demerath, 2009), a positive self-perception, a sense of entitlement, and agency (Gaztambide-Fernández et al., 2013), as well as positive future aspirations (Appaduri, 2004). However, we provide new insights into educational elitism which offer a deeper understanding of how elitism intersects with the formation of national identity within marginalized minority communities.
Our research population diverges from other elite groups in part due to their much more politicized orientation. We found that students and their parents select elite schools based on academic excellence while also taking into account political considerations. Specifically, they sought schools which emphasize Palestinian patriotism and the development of a Palestinian national identity. Interviewees also demonstrated a high level of political awareness due to their school’s unique programs and approaches. This deviates from the common perception of hegemonic elite groups who often remain oblivious to inequality and consider social hierarchies as normative (Khan, 2011). Lastly, interviewees expressed profound pride in their national identity along with pursuit of academic excellence within a deeply discriminatory reality. This contrasts with the more convenient option often selected by non-hegemonic elites who try to assimilate into a ‘raceless’ identity (Wright, 2009). Thus, this research highlights interviewee resilience and refusal to relinquish their distinct cultural and national heritage. By cultivating a deep emotional attachment to their national identity, these elite students not only navigate the complexities of their dual identities (Haidar & Bar-Haim, 2022) but also develop a strong sense of solidarity with their minority group.
ReferencesAgbaria, A. K., & Obeid Shehadeh, H. (2022). “Minority within minority” or a “minority of two majorities”: Religious education and the making of Christian identity in Israel. British Journal of Religious Education, 44(3), 256–270.
Appadurai, A. (2004). The capacity to aspire: Culture and the terms of recognition. In V. Rao & M. Walton (Eds.), Culture and public action (pp. 59–84). Stanford University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In J. Karabel and A.H. Halsey (Eds), Power and Ideology in Education (pp. 56-68). Oxford University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In: J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for sociology of education. (pp. 46- 58). Greenwood.
Castagno, A. E. (2008). “I don’t want to hear that!”: Legitimating whiteness through silence in schools. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 39(3), 314–333.
Demerath, P. (2009). Producing success: The culture of personal advancement in an American high school. University of Chicago Press.
Gaztambide-Fernández, R. (2009). What is an elite boarding school? Review of Educational Research, 79(3), 1090–1128. https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654309339500
Haidar, A., & Bar-Haim, E. (2022). Marginalized yet flourishing: The remarkable growth of the Palestinian middle class in Israel. The American Sociologist, 53(4), 532–556.
Howard, A. (2010). Elite visions: Privileged perceptions of self and others. Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education, 112(8), 1971–1992.
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