07. Social Justice and Intercultural Education
Paper
Skin Color Through Children's Eyes: Exploring Children's Conceptions Of Diversity And Otherness
Luca Agostinetto, Lisa Bugno
University of Padua, Italy
Presenting Author: Agostinetto, Luca;
Bugno, Lisa
The European Union is founded on the principles of diversity, inclusion, and equality. Article 10 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (2007) explicitly acknowledges the Union's obligation to combat discrimination based on various grounds, including race, ethnicity, religion, disability, age, and sexual orientation. This commitment to diversity is reflected in the EU's policies and initiatives, which aim to foster a society that embraces pluralism, tolerance, and non-discrimination.
As stated in the EU anti-racism action plan (European Commission, 2020), promoting diversity goes beyond simply acknowledging differences. It is about understanding and appreciating the rich mosaic of cultures, experiences, and perspectives that characterize the European Union. By creating an inclusive environment that embraces diversity, the EU can achieve true unity in diversity, where everyone feels valued and respected.
Moreover, in a recent report adopted by the Committee on Culture and Education (2022), the European Parliament outlined a comprehensive strategy to combat racism and discrimination. The report emphasized the decisive role of education and training in dismantling structural racism, fostering inclusive societies, and promoting tolerance, understanding, and diversity. Indeed, racism needs to be addressed at all levels, from individual attitudes to societal structures. A holistic approach is essential, involving collaboration between various stakeholders, including governments, educators, civil society organizations, and individuals.
Literature tells us that, while racism remains a pervasive issue, colorism, a system of inequality that privileges lighter-skinned individuals, often operates alongside racism and deserves specific attention (Crutchfield et al., 2022; Hunter 2008). Colorism has a long history and permeates various aspects of life, including education, social services, and healthcare (Jablonski, 2020; Hannon, DeFina & Burch, 2013).
According to Peterson et al. (2016), despite the significant impact of colorism, much of the research has failed to adequately address this issue, focusing primarily on race, “and often what’s perceived as a racial gap is really a color gap, as studies indicate negligible difference in outcomes among very light African American and Latinx people, for example” (Crutchfield et al., 2022, p. 470). Even children are not immune to this phenomenon, as highlighted by numerous studies conducted in various contexts, both national and international. For example, research has shown that children as young as six months old can categorize people based on skin color (Katz & Kofkin, 1997). Additionally, the well-known study by Clark and Clark (1947) has demonstrated that children can express a preference for lighter skin. To effectively address stereotypes about skin color, a holistic approach is needed that addresses the underlying societal and psychological factors that perpetuate it.
In the context of Intercultural Education, it becomes imperative to examine these issues to equip teachers and prepare children to embrace cultural diversity. Indeed, the aim of this research is to explore children's conceptions of diversity and otherness as shaped by skin color perceptions. Our primary source of inspiration is the work of Italian anthropologist Paola Tabet (1997), who conducted a nationwide study by inviting children from various Italian regions to write short essays beginning with the prompt "If my parents were black…".
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedInitially, the research team tested various prompt sentences to determine which approach was most effective. In accordance with Cardellini (2015), because there is a large diversity of familial structures in modern society, we opted to exclude parents from the stimulus, instead asking children to imagine "If your classmates were black...". As a result of the collaboration between six Italian schools, specifically in Padua and Vicenza, we were able to collect 494 essays written by children between the ages of eight and eleven in the northeast of the country. Specifically, 65 essays were collected from third-graders (age 8/9), 173 from fourth-graders (age 9/10), and 256 were written by fifth-graders (age 10/11). Furthermore, the data will be analysed based on gender, citizenship, eventual migration background, and skin color.
To streamline the research process, a comprehensive research protocol was developed which covered all stages of the investigation, including the initial outreach to schools and the data analysis.
Data analysis was conducted using Atlas.ti and involved a three-phase approach:
Thematic analysis: we started the analysis by thoroughly reviewing the essays and generating bottom-up codes. These codes were derived directly from the text and aimed to capture the overarching themes and patterns that emerged from the children's responses.
Coding based on stimulus responses: in the second phase, we applied a top-down approach to code the essays based on their responses to the stimulus prompt. This involved classifying the essays into categories such as positive, negative, neutral, ambiguous, essentializing, and not essentializing. The classification of essentializing responses was adapted from Srinivasan and Cruz (2015), who define essentializing as the tendency to attribute universal traits to individuals simply because they are considered members of a particular group.
Codes’ categorization: in the final step, the sentences selected and coded in phase one were grouped according to their emotional, social, or rational significance. This allowed us to further differentiate the children's responses and gain a deeper understanding of their underlying motivations and perceptions.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe data analysis for this study is still ongoing, but this paper will present some preliminary findings. The presentation will combine quantitative and qualitative data, including short quotes from children's essays that express their conceptions about diversity and otherness related to skin color.
These findings can be used to make educators and teachers more aware of the phenomenon and to inform them on how to promote intercultural education that encourages open-mindedness about cultural diversity through dialogue and activities that are based on children's own perspectives.
ReferencesCardellini M. (2017), Le parole per nominare i colori della pelle: conversazioni con alunni di scuola primaria tra 9 e 11 anni- The words to name skin colors: conversation with 9-10 years old primary school children. In «Educazione interculturale», vol 15 (1), pp. 1-9.
Clark, K. B., & Clark M. P. (1947). Racial identification and preference in negro children. In AA.VV. (Ed.), Readings in Social Psychology (pp. 169-178). New York: Henry Holt and Company.
Crutchfield, J., Sparks, D., Williams, M., & Findley, E. (2022). In My Feelings: Exploring Implicit Skin Tone Bias among Preservice Teachers. College Teaching, 70(4), 469–481.
Eugene, D. R., Crutchfield, J., Keyes, L., & Webb, S. (2023). Looking within: implicit skin tone bias among teachers of color. Intercultural Education, 34(1), 1-21.
European Commission (2022). Common guiding principles for national action plans against racism and racial discrimination. Subgroup on the national implementation of the ‘eu anti-racism action plan 2020-2025’. https://commission.europa.eu/system/files/2022-05/common_guiding_principles_for_national_action_plans_against_racism_and_racial_discrimination.pdf
European Community (2007). Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Official Journal C 306, 13 December, pp 1 - 271.
Hannon, L., R. DeFina, and S. Burch (2013). The Relationship between Skin Tone and School Suspension for African Americans. Race and Social Problems 5 (4):281–95.
Hunter, M. L. (2008). The Cost of Color: What we Pay for Being Black and Brown. In Racism in the 21st Century: An Empirical Analysis of Skin Color, edited by R. E. Hall, 63–76. New York: Springer.
Katz, P. A., & Kofkin, J. A. (1997). Race, gender, and young children. In S. S. Luthar & J. A. Burack (Eds.), Developmental psychopathology: Perspectives on adjustment, risk, and disorder (pp. 51–74). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Jablonski N. (2020), Colore vivo. Il significato biologico e sociale del colore della pelle, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri.
Peterson, E. R., C. Rubie-Davies, D. Osborne, and C. Sibley (2016). Teachers’ Explicit Expectations and Implicit Prejudiced Attitudes to Educational Achievement: Relations with Student Achievement and the Ethnic Achievement Gap. Learning and Instruction 42:123–40.
Tabet P. ( 1997), La pelle giusta, Torino, Giunti Einaudi.
07. Social Justice and Intercultural Education
Paper
How Should We Deal with Ethnic-cultural Diversity? Bringing Pupils Own Perspectives Into the Debate
Roy Konings, Orhan Agirdag, Jozefien De Leersnyder
KU Leuven, Belgium
Presenting Author: Konings, Roy
Even though every human being has the right to high-quality education (Assembly, U.G., 1948), there are signs that children from some ethnic groups may be receiving a lower quality education as compared to others. That is, in many European educational systems including Flanders (the context of the current study), minoritized students often achieve at lower levels as compared to ethnic majority youth (OECD, 2023), and such inequalities remain even after controlling variables like IQ, socio-economic status or generational status (Agirdag, 2020). Still, a recent line of empirical studies offers hope for a more equitable future, as they found that schools can reduce ethnic inequalities in education by means of how they approach ethnic-cultural diversity (e.g., Celeste et al., 2019). Specifically, while schools that choose to acknowledge and value ethnic-cultural diversity have reduced ethnic achievement gaps, schools which adopt more color-blind or assimilationist approaches to diversity tend to have exacerbated ethnic achievement gaps (Celeste et al., 2019; Schachner et al., 2021).
However, as there are still only a limited number of studies that have examined how diversity approaches are related inequities in education, there are still some important research gaps in this field that need to be addressed. First, although studies have shown that the general diversity approach, as expressed in the general vision statements of schools, is related to inequalities in education (e.g., Celeste et al., 2019), less attention has been paid to how these visions are translated into concrete diversity practices. Still, such focus on practices is likely to be important, because previous studies show that assimilationist, color-blind and pluralist visions can be translated into very different concrete practices depending on whether the vision is applied to dealing with linguistic, religious, curricular or identity-related diversity (e.g., Hagenaars et al., 2023). For instance, assimilation is likely translated into very different concrete practices when it comes to linguistic diversity (e.g., punishing speaking other languages) compared to diversity in religions (e.g., banning headscarves), the curriculum (e.g., focusing only on Flemish culture), or identities (e.g., hiring only teachers who identify as Flemish). In a recent study, it was even found that the same diversity ideology may have be differently related to outcome variables like achievement and school belonging depending on the concrete domain in which the diversity ideology is applied (MASKED). This highlights that considering on a more concrete level which specific diversity practices are most effective in reducing inequities is likely to be the most promising way forward.
Second, although an increasing number of studies have started to examine relations between school diversity approaches and several important outcome variables, such as achievement and school belonging (e.g. Celeste et al., 2019; Schachner et al., 2021), we are not aware of any qualitative studies that have examined how these diversity approaches are actually experienced by pupils. Therefore, in the current study we aim to integrate pupils’ own preferences for diversity practices into the scientific debate. By doing so, we not only aim to shed light on which considerations are important in pupils’ lived experiences of diversity practices, but we also hope to offer educational practitioners with important insights as to which considerations they should take into account in implementing specific diversity practices. The main research question in study is ‘Which concrete diversity practices do pupils in Flemish primary schools prefer and for which reasons?’.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThis study is part of a mixed methods project that investigates the relationship between SDMs and achievement in 3 Flemish cities (Antwerp, Ghent, Genk) by means of a large-scale survey and follow-up focus groups one year later. For the focus groups, we selected schools with the highest average scores on i) assimilationism, ii) color-blindness and iii) pluralism, as indicated by pupils in the survey. However, these schools had mostly majority student populations, which is why we also selected a fourth school with average scores on all SDMs, but with a more mixed ethnic composition (54% of students with migration background).
Within schools, we chose to select students within the last grade for the focus groups (pupils are +/- 12 years old) because children of this age are capable of providing insightful perspectives on issues related to ethnic-cultural diversity (e.g., Hajisoteriou et al., 2017; Kostet et al., 2021). Pupils only participated if their parents signed an active informed consent form.
We target 5 to 6 pupils per focus groups (Greig et al., 2007), and, in case more students had signed informed consent forms, we made a random selection. In line with Dekeyser (2020), we performed separate focus groups for boys (N = 18) and girls (N=15), given that pupils at this age usually play mostly with same-gender peers. In one school, none of the boys filled out the informed consent form, which is why the total number of focus groups was limited to 7.
The focus groups were framed as a gathering of the ‘board of directories’ of children and children were asked to imagine that they together constituted the principals of their school, and had to make some decisions for their ideal school. We then gave them four dilemmas that each time pertained to one of the diversity domains, namely i) allowing minoritize students to speak their mother tongues at school vs. not allowing this (language domain), ii) allowing religious symbols such as the Hijab or not (religions), iii) ensuring that examples and pictures in textbooks are culturally diverse or not (curriculum), and iv) making sure that the teaching force of their school is ethnic-culturally diverse or not (identities). Each time, after we made sure everybody understood the dilemma, pupils could hold up a sign with their choice, and we discussed their choices together, trying to reach agreement. All focus group discussions were transcribed and thematically analyzed in NVivo.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsRegarding the linguistic dilemma, most students (61%) supported allowing minoritized students to speak their mother tongues. They perceived it as unfair to punish non-Dutch languages like Turkish while praising others like English, and believed it could be helpful for students who are not yet proficient in Dutch to have peers helping them in their mother tongue. Yet, they also feared exclusion or bullying in such scenarios. Establishing clear rules on when mother tongues can be used is essential to harness linguistic diversity as a resource without causing exclusion.
Second, students almost unanimously (97%) agreed that religious attire should be allowed in schools, which is in strong contrast with schools current approaches (Celeste et al., 2019). Students emphasized the importance of expressing one's authentic self for feeling at home in school, as well as for opening dialogue about diverse religions, thereby learning new things. However, expressing one’s religion could also make one vulnerable for bullying, which is why schools should ensure a sufficiently safe climate in implementing pluralism.
Concerning the inclusion of ethnic-culturally diverse content in school books, 80% of students considered it worthwhile because it gives all students the feeling that they are understood, and it prepares majority students for an ethnic-culturally diverse society. Yet, others did not find it worthwhile.
In terms of hiring teachers with ethnic-culturally diverse backgrounds, a slim majority (55%) supported the idea. They believed it would enhance understanding, offer cultural insights, and contribute to countering racism. Those who disagreed prioritized teaching quality over teachers' ethnic-cultural backgrounds.
Hence, pluralist practices were preferred mostly because it may aid learning and feelings of safety, which is in line with pedagogical (Banks, 1993; Ladson-Billings, 1995) and psychological theories (Derks, et al., 2007) about why pluralism could be effective, and these findings thereby offer hope for a more equitable future.
ReferencesAssembly, U. G. (1948). Universal declaration of human rights. UN General Assembly, 302(2), 14-25.
Banks, J. A. (1993). Multicultural Education: Historical Development, Dimensions, and Practice. Review of Research in Education, 19(1), 3–49. https://doi.org/10.3102/0091732x019001003
Celeste, L., Baysu, G., Phalet, K., Meeussen, L., & Kende, J. (2019). Can School Diversity Policies Reduce Belonging and Achievement Gaps Between Minority and Majority Youth? Multiculturalism, Colorblindness, and Assimilationism Assessed. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 45(11), 1603–1618. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167219838577
Dekeyser, G. (2020). Miss, that’s not special. Everybody speaks multiple languages. Children’s voices about being multilingual within and beyond their family. A multimethod study in Antwerp, Belgium.
Derks, B., Van Laar, C., & Ellemers, N. (2007). The Beneficial Effects of Social Identity Protection on the Performance Motivation of Members of Devalued Groups. Social Issues and Policy Review, 1(1), 217–256. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-2409.2007.00008.x
Greig, A. D., Taylor, M. J., & MacKay, T. (2007). Doing research with children. Sage.
Hagenaars, M., Maene, C., Stevens, P. A., Willems, S., Vantieghem, W., & D’Hondt, F. (2023). Diversity ideologies in Flemish education: explaining variation in teachers’ implementation of multiculturalism, assimilation and colourblindness. Journal of Education Policy, 1-22. https://doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2023.2167236
Hajisoteriou, C., Karousiou, C., & Angelides, P. (2017). Mapping cultural diversity through children’s voices: From confusion to clear understandings. British Educational Research Journal, 43(2), 330–349. https://doi.org/10.1002/berj.3266
Kostet, I., Verschraegen, G., & Clycq, N. (2021). Repertoires on diversity among primary school children. Childhood, 28(1), 8–27. https://doi.org/10.1177/0907568220909430
Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). Toward a Theory of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy. American Educational Research Journal, 32(3), 465–491. https://doi.org/10.3102/00028312032003465
OECD (2023), PISA 2022 Results (Volume I): The State of Learning and Equity in Education, PISA, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/53f23881-en.
Schachner, M. K., Schwarzenthal, M., Moffitt, U., Civitillo, S., & Juang, L. (2021). Capturing a nuanced picture of classroom cultural diversity climate: Multigroup and multilevel analyses among secondary school students in Germany. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 65, 101971. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2021.101971
07. Social Justice and Intercultural Education
Paper
The Role of Education for the Socio-Cultural Inclusion of Refugee Children and Youth in Iceland
Hrafnhildur Kvaran1, Hermína Gunnþórsdóttir2, Susan Rafik Hama1
1University of Iceland, Iceland; 2University of Akureyri, Iceland
Presenting Author: Kvaran, Hrafnhildur;
Gunnþórsdóttir, Hermína
Research in many countries has revealed the marginalization of ethnic minority students in school systems. Educational policies and practices frequently exclude, devalue, or marginalize students from migrant, minority or non-dominant language backgrounds and position them within a deficit framework, rather than acknowledging and affirming their strengths and abilities (May & Sleeter, 2010; Race & Lander, 2014). Research in Iceland shows similar findings (see e.g. Gunnþórsdóttir et al., 2018; Gunnthórsdóttir & Ragnarsdóttir, 2020; Hama, 2020). In many cases, the majority language becomes the criteria by which student ability is measured, entailing that lack of majority language abilities is regarded as deficiency and results in labelling and categorization (Nieto 2010; Skutnabb-Kangas et al., 2009). Schools face various challenges when working with refugee children, including teachers’ limited understanding of the experiences of these children and the children’s lack of sense of belonging. Block et al. (2014) note that with the global increase of refugees, recognition of the importance of the school environment for promoting successful settlement outcomes and including young refugees is growing. However, schools may be poorly equipped to recognize and respond to the multiple challenges that refugee children and young people face.
It is well established that education plays a critical role in assisting the social inclusion of refugee children into their new community. Furthermore, their social relationships and social positions often develop in schools and leisure activities. Findings of Archambault & Haugen’s (2017) research with refugee children in Norway indicate that their positive experiences included finding places of belonging in the everyday practices, such as after-school activities which helped feeling included in school. According to Beiser, Puente-Duran and Hou (2015), social competence – the ability to form friendships and to get along with others – is critical for the well-being of youth confronting changes in country, values, and cultures. Additionally, according to research, strong educational partnerships with parents are likely to assist the social inclusion of both children and their families into their local communities. Schools are in many cases the first and most important contact points with the new society for migrant and refugee children and their families (Ragnarsdóttir, 2016). While there exist many intractable internal inconsistencies within the research data, the overall data point to the significant challenges that migrant and refugee children face in social inclusion, participation as well as learning the language of their new country. These children are far more likely to drop out of school early and perform worse on standardized tests (OECD, 2010, 2015). The racialization of refugee children and youth can further influence how they navigate everyday racism, their access to educational resources and processes of their identity formation in schools and society (Jaffe-Walter, 2016).
As part of the qualitative research project A Part and Apart? Education and social inclusion of refugee children and youth in Iceland (ESRCI) this paper will draw on theoretical approaches related to the role of education and culture for the socio-cultural inclusion of refugee children aiming to explore the opportunities and challenges that refugee children and youth and their teachers and principals experience in Icelandic schools at different levels (pre-, compulsory, and upper secondary).
Research question:
1.1: What are the main opportunities and challenges which refugee children and youth experience in their schools, educationally and socially (including during unusual and difficult times such as Covid19)?
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThis research is part of the qualitative research project A Part and Apart? Education and social inclusion of refugee children and youth in Iceland (ESRCI). Participants are Syrian and Iraqi refugee children and youth and their parents who have diverse educational and socio-economic backgrounds. Altogether our sample consists of 40 families with children in schools at one or more levels (pre-, compulsory and upper secondary) in eleven municipalities in Iceland, as well as the children’s teachers, principals and where relevant, school counsellors in the children’s schools, municipality persons, social services and NGOs.
Multiple case studies will be conducted with quota refugee children and youth in the 40 families in urban and rural contexts in Iceland. Semi-structured in-depth and focus group interviews (Morgan, 1997) will be used for data collection, and emphasis will be put on exploring the children’s voices, including child friendly, emancipatory approaches. To ensure children’s participation and agency, data will also be collected through active instruments such as participatory place-based methods, child led tour “walk-along” interviews and short diaries and narratives (Dennis, et al, 2009). The analytical process will be informed by qualitative procedures and take place concurrently through the research period. The data gathered will be transcribed, categorized and coded with the use of Atlas.ti software and interpreted based on the results from the content analysis (Creswell, 2009).
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe data analysis is ongoing at the time of writing the abstract, but findings will focus on the experiences and challenges which refugee children and youth face in education in Iceland. The findings will shed light on good practices as well as obstacles and will provide important information for implementing policies and developing more suitable educational practices and support for diverse student populations in Iceland. These first findings from the ESRCI project will be an important contribution to municipal authorities and national educational policy development regarding formal education and social participation for refugee children, thus transferring new knowledge to a larger context in Iceland and elsewhere. Furthermore, the ESRCI project will contribute to reform in teaching and educational practices in municipalities in Iceland, and to reform in teacher education, thus benefitting all participants in our research as well as providing comparison for the international context.
ReferencesArchambault, J. & Haugen, G. M. D. (2017). Belonging and identification: Challenges and negotiations in refugee children´s everyday life in Norway. In book: Movement, mobilities and journeys. DOI: 10.1007/978-981-287-029-2_19
Beiser, M., Puente-Duran, S. & Hou, F. (2015). Cultural distance and emotional problems among immigrant and refugee youth in Canada: Findings from the New Canadian Child and Youth Study (NCCYS). International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 49, 33-45. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.06.005
Block, K., Cross, S., Riggs, E. & Gibbs, L. (2014). Supporting schools to create an inclusive environment for refugee students. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 18(12), 1337–1355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2014.899636.
Creswell, J. W. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. London: Sage.
Dennis Jr. S. F., Gaulocher, S., Carpiano, R. M., & Brown, D. (2009). Participatory photo mapping (PPM): Exploring an integrated method for health and place research with young people. Health & place, 15(2), 466-473.
Gunnþórsdóttir, H., Barillé, S. & Meckl, M. (2018).The education of students with immigrant background in Iceland: parents’ and teachers’ voices. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research. DOI: 10.1080/00313831.2017.1415966
Gunnthórsdóttir, H. & Ragnarsdóttir, H. (2020). Challenges and opportunities in the education of students with immigrant background in Iceland. Education in the North, 27(2), 106-117. https://doi.org/10.26203/hc32-ab90
Hama, S. R. (2020). Experiences and expectations of successful immigrant and refugee students while in upper secondary schools in Iceland [Doctoral dissertation, University of Iceland]. Opin vísindi. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11815/2182
Jaffe-Walter, R. (2016). Coercive concern: Nationalism, liberalism, and the schooling of Muslim youth. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.
May, S. & Sleeter, C. E. (Eds.) (2010). Critical multiculturalism: Theory and praxis. New York: Routledge.
Morgan, D. (1997). Focus groups as qualitative research (2nd edition). Thousand Oaks: Sage.
Nieto, S. (2010). The light in their eyes. Creating multicultural learning communities. New York: Teachers College Press.
OECD. (2010). Closing the gap for immigrant students: Policies, practice, and performance. Paris: OECD.
OECD. (2015). Helping immigrant students to succeed at school – and beyond. Retrieved from https://www.oecd.org/education/Helping-immigrant-students-to-succeed-at-school-and-beyond.pdf
Ragnarsdóttir, H. (2016). Námsrými félagslegs réttlætis og menntunar án aðgreiningar. Niðurstöður norrænnar rannsóknar um velgengni nemenda af erlendum uppruna og skóla á fjórum Norðurlöndum [Learning Spaces for Inclusion and Social Justice: Success Stories from Immigrant Students and School Communities in Four Nordic Countries]. Netla – Veftímarit um uppeldi og menntun. Retrieved from http://netla.hi.is/serrit/2016/namsrymi_felagslegs_rettlaetis_og_menntunar_an_adgreiningar_learning_spaces_for_inclusion_and_social_justice/001.pdf
Skutnabb-Kangas, T., Phillipson, R., Mohanty, A. K., & Panda, M. (Eds). (2009). Social justice through multilingual education. Bristol: Multilingual matters.
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