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Session Overview
Session
04 SES 07 E: Refugee and Ethnic Minority Experiences in Inclusive Education
Time:
Wednesday, 28/Aug/2024:
15:45 - 17:15

Session Chair: Gry Paulgaard
Location: Room 118 in ΧΩΔ 02 (Common Teaching Facilities [CTF02]) [Floor 1]

Cap: 32

Paper Session

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Presentations
04. Inclusive Education
Paper

School Socialisation and Linguistic Identity in Multigenerational Ethnic Minority/Ethnically Heterogeneous Deaf Families in Romania

Emese Belenyi

Partium Christian University, Oradea, Romania

Presenting Author: Belenyi, Emese

Deaf communities are generically defined as linguistic-cultural communities whose members use sign language as their primary means of communication (Marschark et al., 2017; Higgins & Liberman, 2016). On the other hand, even though in Deaf communities and families Deaf cultures and sign languages tend to act as a decisive unifying force that transcends ethno-cultural differentiation, Deaf cultures also include other cultural elements, such as ethno-national identities (Leigh & Crowe, 2015). Studies have shown that ethnic minority deaf individuals may face identity conflicts when their cultural and linguistic heritage is distinct from the dominant deaf culture or the majority culture of their country. Such conflicts can lead to feelings of marginalization, isolation, and reduced social integration within both their ethnic and Deaf communities (Leigh, 2009 ; Chapman, 2021).

Ethnic minority deaf individuals are in a special situation in this regard, as they need to navigate the intersections of their deaf identity and their ties to a specific ethnic or cultural group. In this context, the identity of the Deaf members of the ethnic minority may present specific characteristics compared to that of the deaf belonging to the majority ethnic community, but also to the ethnic identity of the hearing members of the ethnic minority community (Ahmad et al, 2000; Atkin, 2002). The notion of bilingualism, when referring to the linguistic-cultural needs of the ethnic-national minority Deaf learners, may be therefore misleading, as these learners are in fact in a situation of dual bilingualism (Ohna 2003).

On the other hand, it is important to emphasise that differences between national sign languages are to a much lesser extent an obstacle to the communication of Deaf people belonging to different ethno-national communities than in the world of hearing culture. Deaf people living in a sign culture have a great capacity and tendency to learn from each other in a short time, to adapt to each other's specific forms of sign language expression (Henner & Robinson, 2023). One of the very important roles, which needs to be assumed by the of the educational system in this regard, is to integrate multiculturalism and multilingualism in the curriculum and teaching methodology in accordance with the students identity development needs (Dammeyer & Marschark, 2016).

Previous research conducted by the author in the multicultural city of Oradea (western Romania), which involved ethnic Hungarian Deaf and their ethnic Romanian partners, has drawn attention to the potential importance of generational continuity in generating multicultural and multilingual family environment. Based on the results of this research, the hypothesis has been advanced that in multigenerational Deaf families a kind of specific linguistic and cultural enrichment and a striving for cultural-linguistic balance can manifest itself, which might stem from the natural openness and flexibility arising from the specific communication and cultural situation of these families.

The aim of the current research ha has been therefore to focus on multi-generational ethnic minority/ethnically heterogeneous Deaf families in order to obtain more nuanced information concerning the role of the family generational continuity of Deaf cultures in influencing linguistic communicational and cultural interactions and cross-generational transmission of identities within multigenerational Deaf families. In doing so, the following research questions have been addressed:

  1. What role does the interaction between childhood family socialization and school socialization play in the development of the linguistic and cultural identities of Deaf children raised in multi-generational Deaf families?
  2. What are the main intra-familiar linguistic communication methods and trends which characteristically occur in multi-generational Deaf families?
  3. What are the characteristics of cross-generational transmission of identities to deaf and hearing children in multi-generational Deaf families and how they influence the educational options of the parents of Deaf children?

Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
This research is based on five multi-generational ethnic minority/ethnically heterogeneous Deaf family case studies. Our case studies focused on the particular subset of the Hungarian ethnic community members/ethnic Romanian spouses, who are members of multi-generational Deaf families identified in our research sample during the first phase of research. In the selection of the families included in the research sample within the database of the Deaf Association of Oradea, a total of 587 persons, we identified 89 signing deaf individuals of Hungarian ethnic belonging, 22 of who were married to a Romanian Deaf partner. Among them, there are five multigenerational Deaf families where at least one family member is of Hungarian ethnicity: these include two three-generation and three two-generation Deaf families.

Subordinated to the case study methodology, for the data collection process at family level, we conducted life-course interviews  with the selected Deaf individuals in order to reveal their deeper motives and personal ways of reaching life-shaping decisions, the subjective means of experiencing key events occurred in one's life, and their influence to education, language use and identity.  On the basis of these findings the following main life course stages have been identified:

a. Childhood socialization: language use and identity in early life; family socialization and early development; determinants of school choice; school culture, language and communication; school language and ethnic identity;

b. Setting up a family and language use within the family: starting of family, cultural determinants of marital choices; the influence of the language of education upon the choice of  marital partners; languages used between the spouses, between parents and children and between members of the larger family involving different generations;  

c. Cross-generational transmission of identity; ways and channels of identity transmission to Deaf and hearing children; linguistic educational options of parents for their children, family interactions involved in the process of passing identity to the next generation.

Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
In multi-generational Deaf families the preconditions for symbolically expressing ethnic-national identity through the use and cultivation of the respective national sign language in family and in school might become especially favourable. In this context, the national sign language knowledge gained by Deaf children of Deaf parents within the family and further developed in special school years can act as an important way of expressing ethno-national identity.

In the ethnically heterogeneous family units where Deaf culture has a primary role and components of Deaf culture interact with minority and majority ethno-national identities of hearing family members, complex identity patterns may develop and multifaceted linguistic communication models may prevail, including the use of both the national oral languages and the national sign languages of the parties involved; a kind of special linguistic and cultural enrichment, a striving for cultural-linguistic balance may also occur.

In multi-generational ethnic minority/ethnically heterogeneous Deaf families one can identify a particular kind of natural openness and flexibility resulting from the special linguistic communications situation of Deaf. Thanks to the complexity of their family and school socialisation, cultural and linguistic family contacts and attachments, members of ethnic minority/ethnically heterogeneous Deaf families are potentially more flexible in accepting other cultures (norms, values), and they can also more easily develop the ability to regulate flexibly their language use according to the given social situations.

The process of passing down identity can become particularly complicated in those multigenerational extended family interactions (including grandparents, parents and children), where Deaf and non-Deaf family members, with national majority and national minority identities are interacting. In these situations different ways and methods of passing on identity, with particular characteristics, can be realized. The educational options of parents, concerning the languages of school for their children are an important component of this process.

References
Ahmad, W., Darr, A. & Jones, L. (2000). 'I send my child to school and he comes back an Englishman': minority ethnic deaf people, identity politics and services. In W.Ahmad (Ed.), Ethnicity, disability, and chronic illness. Race, health and social care. Open University Press.

Atkin, K., Ahmad, W. & Jones L. (2002). South Asian deaf people and their families: negotiating relationships and identities. Sociology of Health & Illness 24 (1), 21-45. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.00002

Chapman, M. (2021). Representation and resistance: A qualitative study of narratives of Deaf cultural identity. Culture & Psychology, 27(3), 374-391. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354067X21993794

Dammeyer, J. & Marschark, M. (2016). Level of educational attainment among deaf adults who attended bilingual–bicultural programs. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, enw036. https://doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enw036

Henner, J., & Robinson, O. (2023). Unsettling languages, unruly bodyminds: A crip linguistics manifesto. Journal of Critical Study of Communication & Disability, 1(1), 7-37. https://doi.org/10.48516/jcscd_2023vol1iss1.4

Higgins, M. & Lieberman, A. M.(2016). Deaf students as a linguistic and cultural minority: shifting perspectives and implications for teaching and learning. Journal of Education 196(1), 9 -18. https://doi.org/10.1177/002205741619600103

Leigh, I. (2009). A lens on Deaf identities. Perspectives on Deafness. Oxford University Press.

Leigh, G., & Crowe, K. (2015). Responding to cultural and linguistic diversity among Deaf and hard-of-hearing learners. In H. Knoors  & M. Marschark.(Eds.) Educating deaf learners: creating a global evidence base (pp. 68 – 91). Oxford University Press.

Marschark, M., Zettler, I., & Dammeyer, J. (2017). Social dominance orientation, language orientation, and Deaf identity. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 22(3), 269 - 277.  https://doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enx018

Ohna, S. E. (2003). Education of deaf children and the politics of recognition. Journal of deaf studies and deaf education, 8(1), 5-10.


04. Inclusive Education
Paper

Young refugees' encounters with rural Denmark and nothern Norway

Gry Paulgaard1, Lise Herslund2

1UiT the Arctic University of N, Norway; 2University of Copenhagen

Presenting Author: Paulgaard, Gry; Herslund, Lise

The project explores into the lives and experiences of young people with refugee background living in rural municipalities in the north of Norway and in the west of Denmark. Research on young refugees has mainly focused on urban settings. This is in line with youth research in general, that has been criticised for an unacknowledged “metrocentricity”, by universalising a focus on metropolitan young people “as globally emblematic of young people as a whole” (Farrugia, 2014::4). There is a discursive distinction between rural and urban life defining urban life in the cities as the sophisticated being for young people, preventing young people in rural areas from taking up subjectivities as young people (Pless and Sørensen, 2015). A metrocentric approach also tends to overlook the importance of how place and geography can represent changeable and contingent conditions in young people’s lives (Farrugia 2014, Paulgaard, 2017). This paper will focus on the environmental impacts on young people as forced migrants settled in particular places in rural areas.

The number of international newcomers has increased in rural areas. In the Nordic countries, the rural populations are even more diverse than the EU average (Nørregaard, 2018). However, refugees who first settled in rural areas have moved to city areas after the first years of settlement to a larger degree than other migrant groups (Andersen, 2015; Ordemann, 2017). There is a debate both in literature and also among politicians in European countries on whether refugees should be settled in rural areas at all. Arguments (McAreavey and Argent, 2018) for settling refugees are that they can increase sustainability of population in dwindling communities (Nørregaard, 2018; Brandt, 2015). Others disagree with refugees being used to promote rural development, when peripheral areas are scarce in jobs as well as in services which can provide for refugees’ needs (McAreavey and Argent, 2018; Aure et al, 2018; Woods, 2018).

Both Denmark and Norway, have dispersal strategies to settle refugees across the country and in rural areas. In Norway, the initiative comes from the central government, asking municipalities across the country to accept refugees for settlement. Municipalities that settle refugees receive economic support for the first five years and must provide the first housing, an obligatory two-year introductory program and a work programme (Mathisen, 2020; IMDI, 2019). Denmark also disperses refugees to all municipalities. Like Norway, it is the municipality in which the refugees are settled, that cater for the refugees for a period of three years by offering language classes and later job training. It is also the responsibility of the municipality to find housing and to financially support the refugees during their schooling and introductory programme (Larsen, 2011).

In our quest to understand the role rural places of residence play for young refugees’ we find inspiration in Kinkaid’s (2020:180) term ‘contradictions of space’, referring to moments occurring within the experience of a subject, when the person struggles to practice space and feel disorientation. Based on the phenomenology of practice (Simonsen 2021) we investigate the lived practice of young refugees. Both Simonsen and Kinkaid have studied migrants’ experiences and belonging with a starting point in the situated body. We use this approach to investigate how our young informants navigate in and experience rural life; from housing, education, work, social life to the more ‘physical’ aspects of rural life and the material surroundings, including the natural environment, - to answer the research question: What role do the new rural place of residence play in the young refugees’ life and feeling of community and belonging, and what are the driving forces for them staying or leaving the rural areas?


Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
The paper is a compilation of two independent studies in Denmark and Norway focusing on the experiences of refugees settled in rural areas. We decided to combine forces to get a deeper understanding of young refugees settled in the Nordic rural experiences. Our empirical material consists of young refugees arriving on their own and young refugees arriving as part of a family.

The Danish case is part of a larger study on refugees re-settled in four rural municipalities. For this paper, the focus is on an abandoned nursing home (old folks home) where more than thirty single refugee men and two married couples were settled after they had been granted asylum.

In 2016, 2017 and 2020 focus group interviews were conducted with respectively ten and four young refugees from Syria and Eritrea, between 17-25 years of age. They were most male except one female married to one of the males. The interviews centred around their use and perceptions of the nursing home, the town they were settled in, their everyday life and social life, as well as their plans and wishes for the future.

The Norwegian case takes its starting point in the situation that occurred in the autumn of 2015 where over just a few months, more than 5500 migrants from 35 nations – mostly from Syria (40 %), Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran – crossed the Russian-Norwegian border into Eastern Finnmark, the northernmost county in Norway (Paulgaard & Soleim, 2023). In 2016 at a refugee camp near the Russian border, 12 families were interviewed at a refugee camp neat the Russian border.

Three of the families initially interviewed were settled in a coastal area after having been granted asylum. Through this families the researchers were introduced to five other families with from Somalia and Syria.. The families have from 3 to 9 children at ages from baby to 17 years old. The Norwegian study is based on fieldwork entailing both field conversations, participatory observation and interviews.



The analysis took place independently as part of each research study but also in collaboration. The empirical material were investigated again to identify important themes of how the young persons experienced their place of residence. The themes were compared and discussed, common topics as well as differences were identified across the two cases.

The term young people are used very broadly in this paper. It covers young people from 14 to 25 years.


Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
Despite several differences between Norwegian and Danish rural areas, in relation to geography and distances, nature and climate, and population density, the experiences from within, by young refugees, show surprisingly many similarities and common experiences. The young people in our studies
encounter many of the same challenges to do with the rural environment; describing long distances, limited public transport, few meeting places, unfamiliar behavioural norms, darkness and harsh weather conditions. This shows, according to Kinkaid (2020:169) that “difference is not located to space itself”, but experienced and “formed through lived practice; sedimentation of experience.” Thus, being settled in Nordic rural areas has produced moments of contradictions and disorientation; situations of not knowing how to navigate, but also feelings of meaning and belonging, mainly spurred by socialising, especially with other peoples in the same situation as themselves.

Even though the young refugees have struggled to navigate and feel at ease in the rural towns during the first years after arrival, they have not all moved or wish to move to cities. A few have stayed in the towns where they were first settled mainly due to social relations to other refugees and family. More have moved closer to educational opportunities like most young Danish and Norwegian people also do. They are pushed to move by the same structural factors such as lack of rental accommodation and the limited transport and education possibilities. However, their experiences of disorientation and unfamiliarity and not being able to practice rural space and social life properly, seem to strengthen this push and their experience of being bored, embarrassed and feeling different.

References
Andersen, S. (2015) Indvandring, integration og etnisk segregation – udvikling i indvandrernes bosætning siden 1985. Statens Byggeforskningsinstitut SBI 2015:01 (2015)
Aure, M., A. Førde, T. Magnussen (2018) Will Migrant workers rescue rural regions? Challenges of creating stability through mobility. J. Rural Stud., 60 (2018), pp. 52-59
Brandt, T. (2015) Flygtninge arbejder for udkantsområderne. Internet article from 2nd of Juni, 2015 from DR Regioner. https://www.dr.dk/nyheder/regionale/sjaelland/flygtninge-arbejder-udkantsomraaderne.
Farrugia, D. (2014).  Towards a spatialized youth sociology: the rural and the urban in times of change. Journal of Youth Studies, 17 (3), 293–307.
Herslund, L. (2021) Everyday life as a refugee in a rural setting – What determines a sense of belonging and what role can the local community play in generating it? Journal of Rural Studies, Volume 82, February 2021, Pages 233-241
Kinkaid, E. (2020) Re-encountering Lefebvre: Toward a critical phenomenology of social space. Society and Space 38(1) 167–186.
McAreavey, R. and Argent, N. (2018) Migrant integration in rural New Immigration Destinations: an institutional and triangular perspective. J. Rural Stud., 64 (2018), pp. 267-275
Nørregaard, H. (2018). Hvorfor vælger indvandrere at bosætte sig på landet, hvordan oplever de at bo der, og bidrager de til udviklingen i en kommune med demografiske udfordringer? Et casestudie fra
Hjørring Kommune. G.L.H. Svendsen, J.F.L. Sørensen, E. Noe (Eds.), Vækst Og Vilkår På Landet: Viden, Visioner Og Virkemidler, University Press of Southern Denmark, Odense (2018)
Ordemann (2017) Monitor for Sekundærflytting. Sekundærflytting Blant Personer Med Flykningebakgrunn Bosatt I Norge 2005–2014. Oslo - Kongsvinger: Statistics Norway
Paulgaard, G. & Soleim, M. (2023). The arctic migration route: local consequences of global crises. Journal of Peace Education. Routledge. DOI: 10.1080/17400201.2022.2159794

Herslund, L. & Paulgaard, G. (2021), Refugees’ Encounters With Nordic Rural Areas – Darkness, Wind and “Hygge”. Frontiers in Sociology, Migration and Society, 6:623686 doi: 10.3389/fsoc2021.623686
Pless, M. & Sørensen, N.U.  (2015). “I don’t hate living here, but …” Paper presented at the “Contemporary Youth, Contemporary Risk”, Copenhagen, March 30-April 1.
Simonsen, K. (2012) In quest of a new humanism: Embodiment, experience and phenomenology as critical geography. Progress in Human Geography 37(1) 10-26.
Woods, M. (2018) Precarious rural cosmopolitanism: negotiating globalization, migration and diversity in Irish small towns. J. Rural Stud., 64 (2018), pp. 164-17664


04. Inclusive Education
Paper

Syrian Students in Need of Special Support in Norwegian Schools: A Qualitative Study with Students and Parents.

Dima Mohamad1, Anne Trine Kjørholt2, Henri Valtteri Pesonen1, Luca Tateo1

1University of Oslo, Norway.; 2Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway.

Presenting Author: Mohamad, Dima

Despite the over-representation of immigrant children assessed as requiring special needs education, research into their social and educational experiences in the Nordics is limited (Hanssen, Harju-Luukkainen, & Sundqvist, 2023). This study explored Syrian students ' in need of special support and their families' experiences about how their needs for special education services are accommodated, and how they experience being included.

To advance knowledge on this topic, qualitative data from 5 Syrian families (students and parents) were analyzed to address the following research questions:

(1) How do Syrian students in need of special support and their parents experience access to educational support?

(2) How do Syrian students in need of special support and their parents experience social inclusion?

This qualitative study used activity-based interviews with the group of children (Jenkin et al, 2015), and semi-structured interviews with parents. We conducted a thematic analysis (Braun et al, 2019) using intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1991), and the social constructionism perspective (James and Prout, 1990) as the analytical framework to identify the themes.

The social constructivist perspective views individuals' beliefs as shaped by their cultural and social contexts (James and Prout, 1990). Central to this perspective is the recognition of children's voices and agency, therefore we aimed to voice the students (Ogden, 2014). However, agency is dynamic, contextual, and relational. Hence, it is important to consider parents’ perspectives, given their pivotal roles in influencing their children's lives and enabling them to exercise their agency (Robson, Bell and Klocker, 2007). Furthermore, when examining the experiences of children with special needs, factors such as age, gender, and culture play crucial roles. A child with special needs may experience multiple challenges and being an immigrant can add a further dimension of vulnerability (Arfa et al., 2020; Czapka and Sagbakken 2020). An intersectional approach enriches qualitative analyses by capturing the multifaceted dimensions of individuals' experiences, moving beyond normative categorizations (Crenshaw 1991; Goethals, De Schauwer, and Van Hove 2015). This approach unveils the heterogeneity that would otherwise be overlooked by focusing solely on migrant status.

Exploring children’s perceptions and combining them with parents' perspectives can provide a deeper understanding of their experiences and generate suggestions for developing teaching and support services to improve inclusion of immigrant students. There are many important contributions of this study; it advances knowledge on a topic that is almost neglected, it can inform the development of inclusive education frameworks at the European level, it advocates for children’s participation in research by involving children as primary sources of data and combining children's and parents' views to get a thorough insight into children’s experiences. Moreover, it provides an understanding of how various institutional and cultural factors impact the lives of immigrant children and calls for open and transparent cross-cultural collaboration and dialogue among children, parents, and teachers.


Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
The study followed a qualitative approach which provides a unique insight into one's thoughts and experiences (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). On the other hand, Children from a variety of backgrounds, interests, and capacities can be meaningfully included in research using different activities (Grant, 2017; Jenkin et al, 2015). The families were met several times by the first author who speaks Arabic. Having the opportunity to spend a long time with the participants allows researchers to have a deeper understanding of their experiences than one could get from a one-time interview (Punch,2002). Activity-based interviews (Jenkin et al, 2015) were used with the group of children in which different tools were used to encourage the communication: verbal (Hei) tool developed by Kristin Sommerseth Olsen and Guro Winsnes); visual (Photovoice) (Johnson,2011); written (diaries and lists) (Grant,2017), and semi-structured interviews were used with the group of adults. We do not see studies with children as being fundamentally different from research with adults, the goal with both groups was to build a friendly role (Punch, 2002), or what Mandell (1988) refers to as the least adult role. Problems with power imbalance and paternalism can be resolved by acting differently from other adults and acknowledging children’s agency (Abebe & Bessell, 2014; Ennew et al, 2009). The position of the researcher who met the participants was that of a facilitator, participating in all the activities as children did. Children’s preferences were prioritized, different activities were suggested and implemented to encourage the discussion.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
The main themes emerged from the data are cultural differences, social life, and educational experiences. Despite the diverse experiences , common patterns were identified, particularly regarding poor social relations and the significance of language. The absence of social capital and limited language proficiency seemed to have the greatest influence on children’s everyday lives, causing them to face significant social, emotional, and educational challenges. Parents highlighted that there were delays in giving assessments and assigning a special education teacher, and that they wish for more continuous updates on their child’s condition and progress. The data also revealed that language is a significant barrier and interpretation services are not always available and so parents are not fully aware of the available services and sometimes are afraid to seek help. Disparities in the construction of childhood and disability between Syria and Norway seemed to have both positive and negative sides. Negative in the sense that participants are not familiar with the construction of children as competent and equal to adults; and positive as it encouraged parents and children to be more open and positive about children’s need for special support. There are major differences in the educational system between Syria and Norway, but children who speak good Norwegian seem to generally enjoy school life. Offers such as activity and team-based learning, the introductory language class and having a contact person who speaks Arabic at school proved to be extremely helpful. Syrian children and their families in Norway have varied emotions of both gratitude for not having to hide the special need of their children, as well as uncertainty about how to seek help. The origins of these conflicting feelings seemed to be related to language barriers, contradictory cultural traditions, and a lack of understanding of the Norwegian child welfare system.
References
Arfa, S., Solvang, P. K., Berg, B., & Jahnsen, R. (2020). Disabled and immigrant, a double minority challenge: a qualitative study about the experiences of immigrant parents of children with disabilities navigating health and rehabilitation services in Norway. BMC health services research, 20(1), 1-16.

Abebe, T., & Bessell, S. (2014). Advancing ethical research with children: Critical reflections on ethical guidelines. Children's Geographies, 12(1), 126-133.

Braun, V., Clarke, V., Hayfield, N., and Terry, G. 2019. “Thematic analysis”. In P. Liamputtong (Ed.), Handbook of research methods in health social sciences (pp. 843-860). Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5251-4_10

Crenshaw, K. (1991). Race, gender, and sexual harassment. S. Cal. L. Rev., 65, 1467.

Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2017). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Sage publications.

Czapka, E. A., & Sagbakken, M. (2020). “It is always me against the Norwegian system.” barriers and facilitators in accessing and using dementia care by minority ethnic groups in Norway: a qualitative study. BMC health services research, 20(1), 1-15.

Grant, T. (2017). Participatory research with children and young people: Using visual, creative, diagram, and written techniques. Methodological Approaches, 2, 261.

Hanssen, N. B., Harju-Luukkainen, H., & Sundqvist, C. (Eds.). (2023). Inclusion and Special Needs Education for Immigrant Students in the Nordic Countries. Taylor & Francis.

James, A., & Prout, A. (1990). Contemporary issues in the sociological study of childhood. Constructing and reconstructing childhood, 7-34.

Jenkin, E., Wilson, E., Murfitt, K., Clarke, M., Campain, R., & Stockman, L. (2015). Inclusive practice for research with children with disability: A guide. Melbourne: Deakin University

Johnson, G. A. (2011). A Child's Right to Participation: Photovoice as Methodology for Documenting the Experiences of Children Living in K enyan Orphanages. Visual Anthropology Review, 27(2), 141-161.

Kvale, S., & Brinkmann, S. (2009). Interviews: Learning the craft of qualitative research interviewing. sage.

Ogden, T. 2014. “Special needs education in Norway–the past, present, and future of the field.” In Special education past, present, and future: Perspectives from the field (Vol. 27, pp. 213-238). Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

Punch, S. (2002). Research with children: the same or different from research with adults?. Childhood, 9(3), 321-341.


 
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