22. Research in Higher Education
Paper
To What Extent do Parental Income, Gender and Ethnicity Act as a Barrier to Higher Education Participation in England?
Paul Martin
University College London, United Kingdom
Presenting Author: Martin, Paul
Across the OECD countries, the proportion of young people who have attained a tertiary degree has increased by more than 20 percentage points to 47% over the past two decades (OECD, 2023). However, as participation in higher education (HE) continues to increase, concerns have been raised as to whether some groups of young people with certain characteristics may have benefited from HE expansion more than others (Montacute & Cullinane, 2023; Smith, 2018). Fair access to HE matters given that it is well established that graduates tend to earn higher average salaries in the labour market than their non-graduate counterparts (Britton et al., 2020; Eurostat, 2021). Furthermore, HE participation also appears to be positively associated with a number of favourable outcomes in later adulthood, such as longer life expectancy and greater civic engagement (Balaj et al., 2024; Brennan et al., 2013).
Research on patterns of access to HE in England in particular presents the opportunity to understand the impact of high university tuition fees, given that England is reported to have the highest tuition fees of any OECD country (OECD, 2021). Despite this, some international comparisons have suggested that England has performed well in enabling certain groups of disadvantaged students to access HE. For example, the UK as a whole was ranked in fifth place among the OECD countries with respect to access to HE for young people who have parents with lower levels of education (OECD, 2012). Whilst tuition fees in England appear to be exceptionally high, students are supported financially by a system of income-contingent loans. These can be used to finance the cost of HE and are only repaid by graduates who earn above a certain threshold (Murphy et al., 2019), potentially reducing the deterrent effect of high tuition fees.
Existing literature on access to HE in England has suggested that many inequalities in access to HE (such as those by socioeconomic background) can be largely explained by corresponding inequalities in attainment at the secondary education level (Crawford & Greaves, 2015; Croll & Attwood, 2013). This is in line with other international evidence on this issue, with the OECD reporting that 37% of all variance in disparities in access to HE by parental level of education (across the OECD countries) can be explained by inequalities in earlier schooling (OECD, 2012). However, some research suggests that some vulnerable groups (such as poorer students and those from ethnic minority backgrounds) may be disadvantaged in the HE admissions process, perhaps by being disadvantaged in the application process itself (Boliver, 2013; Jones, 2013).
The UK Government routinely collects data concerning the attainment and personal characteristics of all school pupils within state-funded schools in England and makes this data available to researchers via the National Pupil Database, which is believed to be one of the richest education datasets in the world (Department for Education, 2015). This study takes advantage the richness of administrative data available in England to explore the following research question:
- To what extent do the personal characteristics of English school pupils (such as parental income, gender and ethnicity) predict the likelihood of them progressing into higher education?
As well as considering absolute disparities in access to HE by different characteristics, there will also be consideration as to whether or not different inequalities in HE access can be explained by confounding variables such as disparities in attainment in secondary education. This will reveal the extent to which certain background characteristics may present a barrier to HE participation, within the context of one of the most expensive higher education systems in the world.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThe UK Government’s National Pupil Database (NPD) was used to gather data concerning the entire cohort of young people in England who turned 16 years of age between September 2014 and August 2015. Data was gathered concerning pupils’ school attainment at age 16, gender, ethnicity and postcode of residence. Two different measures of school attainment were gathered. The first was a points-based measure of the 8 highest grades achieved in subject assessments and examinations and the second was a marker indicating whether or not each pupil had demonstrated a basic level of competency in a range of traditional academic subjects such as English, science, mathematics and foreign languages. Data was also accessed showing whether or not pupils were known to be eligible for free school meals. In England, young people are eligible for free school meals if their parents qualify for certain means-tested welfare benefits (HM Government, n.d.). Free school meals eligibility is therefore known to be a way of identifying pupils who are likely to be from a socioeconomically disadvantaged household (Ilie et al., 2017). The pupil postcode measure revealed the street on which pupils were residing. This data was cross-referenced against data from the UK’s Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) to judge the extent to which pupils were living in more disadvantaged neighbourhoods.
Records from the UK’s Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) were then used to identify whether each pupil had progressed to degree-level study by the age of 19. It was possible to match together both the NPD and HESA datasets using anonymous matching references supplied by both data providers.
In total, data concerning 565,169 pupils was available for analysis. Firstly, descriptive statistics were produced which revealed for each group of pupils with a given characteristics what proportion of the group had progressed to degree level study by the age of 19. Secondly, binary logistic regression analyses were performed which could isolate the extent to which any given characteristic could predict the likelihood of a young person progressing to degree-level study once other variables were controlled for statistically. These regression analyses were performed on a restricted dataset of 549,922 pupils, where any cases with missing data had been removed. Regression analyses were performed in stages – for each given variable of interest, disparities in secondary school attainment were controlled for first, before all other variables were then controlled for in a second analysis.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe proportion of pupils eligible for free school meals progressing to HE (23.4%) was substantially lower than the proportion of pupils progressing to HE who were not eligible for free school meals (41.3%). However, the statistical modelling suggested that this could be explained entirely by disparities in secondary school attainment at age 16. This suggests that young people who achieve the same level of attainment in their secondary schooling tend to have an equal likelihood of progression to higher education irrespective of their level of household income. Policies which have the effect of reducing attainment gaps between more and less advantaged students earlier on in the education system would be likely to have the effect of narrowing socioeconomic participation gaps in higher education. Young people from a poorer background may not necessarily be deterred by England’s high levels of tuition fees, perhaps due to the availability of income-contingent loans. More countries might therefore reasonably consider greater use of such income-contingent loans.
Female pupils progressed to HE at a much higher rate (44.5%) than male pupils (33.4%), however this observation could be explained predominantly – though not entirely – by their higher average attainment in school examinations at age 16.
Pupil ethnicity had a large bearing on the likelihood of young people progressing to HE. With a small number of exceptions, most ethnic minority groups had higher progression rates to HE than the white British ethnic group. Large disparities in access to HE by ethnicity still persisted once differences in school attainment and other factors were controlled for statistically. This could suggest that young people from ethnic minority backgrounds have a greater propensity to choose to take part in HE. Alternatively, young people from ethnic minority backgrounds might face barriers in accessing other pathways such as apprenticeships, technical education or employment.
ReferencesBalaj, M., Henson, C. A., Aronsson, A., Aravkin, A., Beck, K., Degail, C., Donadello, L., Eikemo, K., Friedman, J., Giouleka, A., Gradeci, I., Hay, S. I., Jensen, M. R., McLaughlin, S. A., Mullany, E. C., O'Connell, E. M., Sripada, K., Stonkute, D., Sorensen, R. J. D., . . . Gakidou, E. (2024). Effects of education on adult mortality: a global systematic review and meta-analysis. The Lancet Public Health. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2468-2667(23)00306-7
Boliver, V. (2013). How fair is access to more prestigious UK universities? The British Journal of Sociology, 64(2), 344-364. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12021
Brennan, J., Durazzi, N., & Séné, T. (2013). Things we know and don't know about higher education: a review of recent literature. Department for Business Innovation & Skills. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/wider-benefits-of-higher-education-literature-review
Britton, J., Dearden, L., van der Erve, L., & Waltmann, B. (2020). The impact of undergraduate degrees on lifetime earnings. Institute for Fiscal Studies. https://ifs.org.uk/publications/14729
Crawford, C., & Greaves, E. (2015). Socio-economic, ethnic and gender differences in HE participation. Department for Business Innovation and Skills. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/higher-education-participation-socio-economic-ethnic-and-gender-differences
Croll, P., & Attwood, G. (2013). Participation In Higher Education: Aspirations, Attainment And Social Background. British Journal of Educational Studies, 61(2), 187-202. https://doi.org/10.1080/00071005.2013.787386
Department for Education. (2015). The national pupil database: User guide. Department for Education.
Eurostat. (2021). Earnings statistics. Retrieved 24 January 2024 from https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Earnings_statistics
HM Government. (n.d.). Apply for free school meals. HM Government,. Retrieved 19 August 2022 from https://www.gov.uk/apply-free-school-meals
Ilie, S., Sutherland, A., & Vignoles, A. (2017). Revisiting free school meal eligibility as a proxy for pupil socio-economic deprivation. British Educational Research Journal, 43(2), 253-274. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1002/berj.3260
Jones, S. (2013). “Ensure That You Stand Out from the Crowd”: A Corpus-Based Analysis of Personal Statements according to Applicants’ School Type. Comparative Education Review, 57(3), 397-423. https://doi.org/10.1086/670666
Montacute, R., & Cullinane, C. (2023). 25 years of university access: How access to higher education has changed over time. The Sutton Trust. https://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/25-Years-of-University-Access.pdf
Murphy, R., Scott-Clayton, J., & Wyness, G. (2019). The end of free college in England: Implications for enrolments, equity, and quality. Economics of Education Review, 71, 7-22. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2018.11.007
OECD. (2012). Education at a Glance 2012. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/content/publication/eag-2012-en
OECD. (2021). Education at a Glance 2021. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/content/publication/b35a14e5-en
OECD. (2023). Education at a Glance 2023. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/content/publication/e13bef63-en
Smith, E. (2018). Key Issues in Education and Social Justice: 2nd Edition. SAGE.
22. Research in Higher Education
Paper
First-in-Family Higher Education Graduates’ Cost of Social Mobility
Ábel Bereményi1, Judit Durst2, Zsanna Nyírö2
1Universitat de Barcelona, Spain; 2HUNREN, Centre for Social Sciences, Hungary
Presenting Author: Bereményi, Ábel
This paper centres on how first-in-family university graduate Roma (Gitano) and non-Roma Hungarians of working-class origin experience higher education-driven social mobility. We focus on their university years and their transition from education to work, and explore the structural, institutional and socio-cultural conditions that shape Roma and non-Roma young people’s distinctive mobility paths.
Most research projects on racialised ethnic minorities’ successful university attainment (e.g. Flecha et al., 2022; Gallego-Noche & Goenechea-Permisán, 2022; Gamella, 2011; Padilla-Carmona et al., 2020) take for granted the lineal, positive effect of education on social mobility, similar to the quantitative tradition of social mobility studies (Bukodi & Goldthorpe, 2019; Róbert, 2019). In contrast, our project – drawing on a recently developed perspective - goes further to study the link between higher education gains and social mobility chances for the racialised Gitano minority, and their non-racialised co-citizens from similar socio-economic and social contexts, through an intersectional comparison. This paper can be situated in the recent line of social mobility studies (e.g. Friedman, 2016; Mallman, 2018) Haga clic o pulse aquí para escribir texto. that investigate the individual, personal accounts of education-driven upwardly mobile people to understand the diverging outcomes and processes of their different mobility paths. So, we interpret social mobility using Bourdieu’s conceptual tools, particularly his concept of habitus, which connects both the structural and the individual levels. The individual experience of social mobility, and particularly the one driven by higher education, is a complex and often painful process, during which one must cope with misalignment between one’s primary habitus (embodied dispositions and tastes acquired in the family and [ethnic] community of origin) and a subsequent adopted habitus in the fields of education and initial professional career. There is a growing literature on the phenomenon of the dislocated and destabilised habitus – what Bourdieu (2004) called a ‘cleft habitus’ – in the case of the university students of lower-class origin. There has been relatively little exploration of how students reconcile shifts in the habitus they obtain in educational settings with their pre-existing, non-elite habitus (Abrahams & Ingram, 2013; Naudet, 2018; Wang, 2022). This paper contributes to understanding this reconciliation process. We aim to unpack how class-changers, in moving between the social milieu of their origin and their destination, occupy a unique position between two fields, what can be called a ‘third space’. Their social position is described as one of social navigators and ‘outsiders within’ who can play a bridging role between two social groupings or class fractions (Bourdieu, 1984). Contrasting the Higher Education experience of Roma with non-Roma first-generation graduates in Hungary, we draw attention to the different opportunities of reconciling conflicting class-related habitus along ethno-racial lines.
For this purpose, we use the concept of ‘Third Space’ (TS) to understand these young people’s experiences. TSs provide a privileged space for reflection and selfhood elaboration during mobility trajectories (Bhabha, 1994). Empirical research finds that there are salient differences between Roma and non-Roma, that is ethnic/racial minority and majority, in the ways they occupy or create ‘third spaces’ due to the specificities of the Roma community's mobility journey through higher education.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThis paper is based on interviews and participatory observations from a four-year-long research project (2018–2021) that investigated a different education-driven social mobility trajectories of 175 first-in-family Roma and non-Roma HE graduates in Hungary. We used ‘intensity sampling methodology’ (Miles & Huberman, 1994) to select 12 interviews from the 175, the ones whose arguments provide especially revealing, content-dense examples of ‘reconciled habitus’, that can further enhance our theoretical-conceptual framework. We focused on those individuals with a reconciled habitus (approximately ¾ part of our database), who following a period of sensing of dislocation eventually encountered their belonging, through negotiating the elements of their habitus. The informants of the project were identified relying on the researchers’ personal networks, the chain-referral sampling method, and also through social media advertisement. We identified interviewees as Roma or non-Roma, based on self-ascription. The collected narrative life-course interviews last from one to three hours, and they were mainly recorded in a one-off session, although in some cases repeated meetings occurred. Voice-recorded informed consent was obtained from all participants, a procedure that was initially approved by the research ethnic committee of the institution that hosted the project. Interviews audio files were transcribed verbatim, and from this moment on anonymised texts were used by our team in order to protect interviewees’ privacy following the research ethical guidelines. Anonymised interview texts were coded based on our theoretical questions, interview guide, and some additional categories that were created throughout initial rounds of analysis using the qualitative data analysis and research software ATLAS.ti 8.
The research team prioritised 'epistemic justice,' ensuring Roma researchers took the role of knowledge producers rather than being solely subjects of study. Nonetheless, all authors of this conference paper are second-generation, non-Roma university graduates, two of whom have experienced habitus dislocation resulting from migration.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsA diversity of contexts and agents help the reconciliation of destabilised habitus during HE-driven social mobility. We identified a series of factors in our interviewees’ mobility trajectories that most strongly influenced the habitus dislocation and the subsequent habitus reconciliation. Namely, most influential factors are the range and speed of social mobility (Durst & Bereményi, 2021; Friedman, 2014), the direction and destination of movement through social space (Nyírő & Durst, 2021), the person’s belonging to a racialized/ethnic minority (Durst et al., 2022), the range of geographical mobility, and family’s aspirations (Bereményi, 2018). These factors may be sensibly supported by institutions or informal groups at the universities. We found that ethnically targeting support groups foster reconciliation process by acknowledging ‘community cultural wealth’ or ‘Roma cultural capital’ (Boros et al., 2021). A comparative result is that we could not identify any support groups that focused on the community cultural wealth of ethnic majority class-changers.
We explored ‘third-space’ experiences of class changers. For Roma individuals, TS entails embracing a shared sense of identity, one that is often influenced by ‘race’, and a shared commitment to improving the circumstances of Roma communities. Conversely, for non-Roma individuals, TS represents an opportunity to construct a symbolic home-making within an unfamiliar social context, in the middle class, by forging their own individual trajectory toward careers aimed at aiding others. Nevertheless, for both groups TS provided an opportunity for ‘dispositional relaxation’ (Hadas, 2021) during the HE years. In our sample, non-Roma often pursue bridging roles like social work or teaching, aspiring to contribute to a fairer society. In contrast, Roma youth often adopt a resisting perspective, challenging power dynamics and institutional norms (Bhabha, 1994; hooks, 1989; Soja, 1996). Formal and informal TSs exist, with Roma support groups more consciously addressing the challenges of social mobility compared to non-Roma equivalents.
ReferencesAbrahams, J., & Ingram, N. (2013). The Chameleon Habitus: Exploring Local Students’ Negotiations of Multiple Fields. Sociological Research Online, 18(4), 213-226.
Bhabha, H. K. (1994). The location of culture. Routledge.
Boros, J., Bogdán, P., & Durst, J. (2021). Accumulating roma cultural capital: First-in-family graduates and the role of educational talent support programs. Szociologiai Szemle, 31(3), 74-102.
Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction. A social critique of the judgement of taste. Harvard University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (2004). Sketch for a Self-Analysis (University).
Bukodi, E., & Goldthorpe, J. H. (2019). Social Mobility and Education in Britain. Research, Politics and Policy. Cambridge University Press.
Durst, J., & Bereményi, Á. (2021). «I Felt I Arrived Home»: The Minority Trajectory of Mobility for First-in-Family Hungarian Roma Graduates. En M. M. Mendes, O. Magano, & S. Toma (Ed.), Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People (p. 229-249). Springer
Flecha, A., Abad-Merino, S., Macías-Aranda, F., & Segovia-Aguilar, B. (2022). Roma University Students in Spain: Who Are They? Education Sciences, 12(6), 400.
Friedman, S. (2014). The Price of the Ticket: Rethinking the Experience of Social Mobility. Sociology, 48(2), 352-368.
Friedman, S. (2016). Habitus clivé and the emotional imprint of social mobility. The Sociological Review, 64(1), 129-147.
Hadas, M. (2021). Outlines of a Theory of Plural Habitus: Bourdieu Revisited. Routledge.
hooks, bell. (1989). Choosing the margin as a space of radical openness. Framework: The Journal of Cinema and Media, 36, 15-23.
Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook (2a ed.). Sage Publications Ltd.
Naudet, J. (2018). Stepping into the elite. Trajectories of social achievement in India, France and the United States. Oxford University Press.
Nyírő, Z., & Durst, J. (2021). Racialisation rules: The effect of educational upward mobility on habitus. Szociológiai Szemle, 1-31.
Padilla-Carmona, M., González-Monteagudo, J., & Heredia-Fernández, S. (2020). The Roma in Spanish Higher Education: Lights and Shades after Three Decades of National Plans for Roma Inclusion. En L. Morley, A. Mirga, & N. Redzepi (Ed.), The Roma in European Higher Education. Recasting ldentities, Re-lmagining Futures (p. 133-150). Bloomsbury Academic.
Soja, E. W. (1996). Thirdspace. Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined Places. Blackwell Publishers.
Wang, S. (2022). Self in mobility: Exploring the transnational in-between identity of Chinese student returnees from the UK. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 52(6), 861-878.
22. Research in Higher Education
Paper
'I'm Hearing The Lower Class Of People': Eastern European Students At An Elite European Graduate School
Adél Pásztor
Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary
Presenting Author: Pásztor, Adél
Although research has been burgeoning on the experience of nonelite students in elite settings, most scholars focus on the Ivy League or Oxbridge, neglecting some of the most prestigious universities in Europe. With past research mainly focused on initial entry to HE, little attention has been paid to postgraduate levels, which this study aims to remedy. Using interviews with a cohort of final-year doctoral students at a highly prestigious European graduate school, the paper specifically focuses on the social integration of Eastern European (EE) students who struggle to fit in among the elite-university-educated, mostly Western European student body. By considering "fitting in" as an interactional process, the paper aims to examine the experiences of EE students’ vis-a-vis their peers and faculty, and the ways in which this varies by social class.
Researchers have looked into the ways in which nonelite students felt excluded in elite HE settings, resulting in a growing body of scholarship investigating the experiences of working class, black, and ethnic minority students who successfully penetrated the class ceiling (see e.g. Friedman and Laurison 2019). Yet, scholars often studied race and class independently, with separate streams of scholarship tackling the ‘black student experience’ (e.g. Carter 2005) or the ‘working class experience’ (e.g. Reay et al. 2009). Although American scholarship was keen to place race at the centre stage, British scholars posited that ‘class differences are more apparent and significant than minority ethnic similarities’ (Ball et al., 2002). But with neither of these groups being monolithic, it is often the interaction of race/ethnicity and class that provokes ‘a sense of cultural alienation’ among nonelite students in elite settings (Torres 2009: 888).
Despite the EU enlargement occurring some decades ago, the increasing number of EE students studying at Western European (WE) universities has received limited attention. Overall, there has been negligible research specifically dedicated to EEs as a student group (see, e.g., Chankseliani 2016, Genova 2016, Ginnerskov-Dahlberg 2021, Marcu 2015), and, to my knowledge, none has delved into their social integration within elite settings. This study significantly contributes to the literature through the exploration of the experiences of EE students at an elite WE campus where all students share the same social milieu throughout their studies and all benefit from scholarships that enable them to access high quality education regardless of their social origin.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThe study utilises in-depth interviews conducted with doctoral students from post-socialist countries (EE nationality). A total of 20 students were interviewed, reflecting their proportion within an admitted cohort/year group. Potential interviewees were identified through the university website and contacted via email to request their participation. The approached students were all in their final year and part of a specific cohort. The interviews took (on average) an hour and were conducted in English. The interview data have been anonymised and some personal details have been removed to ensure confidentiality. Following transcription, the data were analysed using thematic analysis that focused on the students' experiences of fitting in among the student body and their relationships with peers and faculty.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsElite universities offer a prime opportunity to explore long-range social mobility from the perspective of a two-way process that considers not only the experiences of non-elite students, but also how others relate to them and the emotional impact such interactions leave behind. EE students looking for authenticity and meaningful connections with peers and instructors were taken aback by the superficial nature of social connections on this elite campus. Microaggressions, the (not so) subtle ways in which various stereotypes can play out, were employed as tools of exclusion practised by elite students towards EEs who reported several incidents in which their peers and faculty made them feel uncomfortable, unwelcome, and misunderstood.
While the interviewed EE students were all accepted into an elite doctoral programme, fully accepted they were not, since neither their peers nor the university welcomed them with open arms. Drawing on Accominotti's (et al. 2018) notion of ‘segregated inclusion,' the study will demonstrate the ways in which cultural and socio-economic differences can lead onto stratified social relationships among the student body which ultimately affect the degree to which EE students can take advantage of being a member of an elite university.
ReferencesAccominotti F. (2016). Figures of purity: consecration, exclusion, and segregated inclusion in cultural settings. Unpublished PhD thesis, Columbia University.
Accominotti F., Khan, S.R., & Storer, A. (2018). How Cultural Capital Emerged in Gilded Age America: Musical Purification and Cross-Class Inclusion at the New York Philharmonic. American Journal of Sociology 123 (6), 1743-1783.
Archer, L. & Leathwood, C. (2003). ‘Identities, Inequalities and Higher Education’, in L. Archer et al. Higher Education: Issues of Inclusion and Exclusion, pp. 175–92. London: RoutledgeFalmer.
Bourdieu, P. & Passeron, J. C. (1994) Academic Discourse. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Ferguson, S., & Lareau, A. (2021). Hostile Ignorance, Class, and Same-Race Friendships: Perspectives of Working-Class College Students. Socius, 7.
Friedman, S., Laurison, D., & Miles, A. (2015). Breaking the ‘Class’ Ceiling? Social Mobility into Britain’s Elite Occupations. The Sociological Review, 63 (2), 259–289.
Granfield, R. (1991). Making it by faking it: Working-Class Students in an Elite Academic Environment. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 20(3), 331–351.
Jack, A.A. & Black, Z. (2022). “Belonging and Boundaries at an Elite University.” Social Problems. Online First: https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac051
Langhout, R.D., Rosselli, F., & Feinstein, J. (2007). Assessing Classism in Academic Settings. The Review of Higher Education 30 (2), 145-184.
Lee, E. M. (2017). ‘“Where People Like Me Don’t Belong”’: Faculty Members from Low-socioeconomic-status Backgrounds. Sociology of Education, 90 (3), 197–212.
Lee, E.M. & Kramer, R. (2013). Out With The Old, In With The New? Habitus And Social Mobility At Selective Colleges. Sociology of Education 86 (1): 18–35.
Morales, E. M. (2014). Intersectional Impact: Black Students and Race, Gender and Class Microaggressions in Higher Education. Race, Gender & Class, 21(3/4), 48–66.
Reay, D., Crozier, G., & Clayton, J. (2009). ‘Strangers in Paradise’?: Working-class Students in Elite Universities. Sociology, 43(6), 1103–1121.
Smith, L., Mao, S. & Deshpande, A. (2016). “Talking Across Worlds”: Classist Microaggressions and Higher Education, Journal of Poverty, 20(2), 127-151.
Stuber, J. (2011). Inside the College Gates: How Class and Culture Matter in Higher Education. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Thiele, M., & Gillespie, B.J. (2017). Social Stratification at the Top Rung: Classed Reports of Students’ Social Experiences on a Selective University Campus. Sociological Perspectives, 60(1), 113-131.
Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of educational research, 45 (1), 89-125.
Torres, K. (2009). ‘Culture shock’: Black students account for their distinctiveness at an elite college. Ethnic and Racial Studies 32 (5), 883–905.
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