Time: Thursday, 29/Aug/2024: 9:30 - 11:00 Session Chair: João Cruz |
Location: Room B127 in ΘΕΕ 02 (Faculty of Pure & Applied Sciences [FST02]) [Floor -1] Cap: 45 |
Paper
Digital Governance of Education: A Systematic Literature Review
1CIIE/FPCEUP, Portugal; 2CIPES/FPCEUP, Portugal; 3CIIE/FPCEUP, Portugal
Presenting Author:The discourses on digital transition discourses have a prominent position in the political agendas of both transnational and national governance institutions. For instance, the European Commission and the European Council, emphasise the role of digital transition as a key driver of Europe's social and economic development and essential to ensuring better jobs (European Commission, 2018, 2020; European Council, 2019).
The importance, intensity and reach of the digital transition into all sectors of society has led to it being called the fourth Industrial Revolution (Lima, 2021) or technological revolution. According to António Magalhães (2021), education has been incorporating digitalisation into teaching and learning processes and the CoViD-19 pandemic has accentuated the discourse on the need of this, making it urgent. The pandemic has thus served as a catalyst for a political agenda that was already underway, "placing the digitalisation of education and the development of digital skills at the heart of the education policy agenda" (Magalhães, 2021). By digitalisation of education, we mean the "configuration of teaching and learning, their materials and their methods and techniques in digital language" (Magalhães, 2021, p. 6). This configuration has led to changes in education, educational relations and forms of governance of education which, according to Ben Williamson (2016), should currently be understood as the digital governance of education. This is precisely the subject of our work.
The purpose of this paper is to present a Systematic Literature Review (SLR) on the digital governance of education, developed as part of an ongoing doctoral project entitled "public education policies in a context of digital transition", which aims to study the mandates addressed to the Portuguese education system, specifically compulsory education, by the digital transition discourses delivered by transnational and national institutions. We identified educational governance as one of the dimensions to be studied when analysing these mandates.
The digitalisation of education governance processes accentuates a political grammar of public administration - New Public Management - characterised by the adoption of performance measurement strategies and the promotion of markets to take over the provision of public services. It is an approach to the governance of public services that, , according to Radhika Gorur (2020) or Jenny Ozga (2016),is dominated by the emphasis on numbers.. This perspective of governance, combined with the efficiency and precision of digitalisation, enables the collection and provision of information in the form of data, thereby informing the governance decisions of the state., constituting what Foucault (1991) calls "governmentality".
The advance of the digital in the governance of educational systems favours the emergence of a new technological industry that is leading the most significant changes in educational policies and, consequently, in the ways of learning and teaching in the classroom. Geo Saura (2021) argues that, in the continuity of forms of governance marked by the growing influence of transnational actors and the opening up of the state to service providers and the private sector, governance is carried out through political networks of digital governance. These networks are made up of political actors, software, digital technologies and large technology companies, which play an important role in shaping and developing education policies.
Despite its increasing prominence, the digital governance of education has been little studied (Williamson, 2016). This SLR aims to report on the scientific literature produced in this field, seeking to systematise knowledge and open up possibilities for discussion in the less studied dimensions.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
In this section, we briefly present how we carried out the Systematic Literature Review (SLR). This is the initial stage of the doctoral project and aims to gather existing knowledge on what has been called digital governance of education in the scientific literature.
The first step of the SLR was to formulate a question or guiding theme for the review (Denyer and Tranfield, 2009; Xiao and Watson, 2019). Our question was: what knowledge exists about the influence of digitalisation on educational governance? We then searched, using the Boolean operators (AND, OR, NOT), for the combination of keywords "Digital Governance of Education NOT Higher Education" in four databases: EBSCO, B-on, Web of Science and Scopus.
We considered scientific articles, books and book chapters, in Portuguese, English and Spanish, between 2000 and April 2023, when the review began. This first search yielded a total of 257 texts. The next step of the SLR was to analyse these texts by title and abstract, leaving 120. Finally, these 120 texts were fully read and 69 were considered for the SLR.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
We now present some of SLR's conclusions, as well as further research suggestions. The first conclusion relates to the importance of different educational contexts, which digital governance of education, according to the studies presented, seems to ignore. Political governance networks operate at a global level, influencing the education agenda that is implemented in schools in different countries. However, this implementation does not take into account the tensions that may exist in different countries and education systems, demonstrating that there is no linearity or universality in the implementation of this agenda (Takayama & Lingard, 2018; Maguire, 2019).
The second conclusion concerns the relationship between the digital governance of education and digital capitalism, as well as the emergence of new actors in the field of education. In the most recent forms of public administration, the State has been removed from its central role in the governance of education, opening it up to the influence of transnational actors and the private sector. More recently, technology companies have gained prominence because of the possibility they offer of collecting digital data, which is the product of their business. It follows that these companies are profiting from the education of children and young people at a global level, since they are part of the aforementioned transnational governance networks. It is essential to emphasise this relationship between the various educational actors and their interests in defining educational agendas, to confront the idea that we are talking about an inevitable and neutral path.
Finally, the scientific literature on the topic has mostly focused on digital platforms, companies and schools, but less on the discourses of political institutions, which put digitalisation on the agenda for education as a political instrument of governance legitimising it as a project for society.
References
European Commission (2018). Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions on the Digital Education Action Plan. Brussels.
European Comission (2020). Shaping Europe’s Digital Future. Luxembourg.
European Council (2019). A New Strategic Agenda 2019-2024. Brussels.
Denyer, David & Tranfield, David (2009). Producing a systematic review. In: David Buchanan & Alan Bryman (Ed.) The SAGE handbook of organizational research methods (pp. 671-689). SAGE.
Foucault, Michel (1991). Governmentality. In Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller (orgs.), The Foucault effect, studies in governmentality (pp. 87-104). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Gorur, Radhika (2020). Afterword: embracing numbers? International Studies in Sociology of Education, 29 (1-2), 187-197. DOI: 10.1080/09620214.2020.1720518
Lima, Licínio (2021). Máquinas de administrar a educação: Dominação digital e burocracia aumentada. Educação e Sociedade, 42, 1-16.
Magalhães, António M. (2021). Caminhos e Dilemas da Educação Superior na Era Digital. Educação e Sociedade 42, 1-16.
Maguire, Laura Høvsgaard (2019). Adapting to the test: performing algorithmic adaptivity in Danish schools. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 40 (1), 78-92. DOI: 10.1080/01596306.2018.1549705
Ozga, Jenny (2016). Trust in numbers? Digital Education Governance and the inspection process. European Educational Research Journal, 15(1), 69–81.
Saura, Geo (2021). Redes políticas y redes de datos de gubernamentalidad neoliberal en educación. Foro de Educación, 19 (1), 1-10. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/fde.924
Takayama, Keita & Lingard, Bob (2018). Datafication of schooling in Japan: an epistemic critique through the ‘problem of Japanese education’. Journal of Education Policy. https://doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2018.1518542
Williamson, Ben (2016). Digital education governance: An introduction. European Educational Research Journal, 15(1), 3–13.
Xiao, Yu & Watson, Maria (2019). Guidance on Conducting a Systematic Literature Review. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 39, 93–112.
Paper
The Swedish National Professional program: A critical policy analysis
1Dalarna University, Sweden; 2Linnaeus University, Sweden; 3Uppsala University, Sweden; 4Karlstad University, Sweden; 5Jönköping University, Sweden; 6Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway
Presenting Author:In 2023, the Swedish government submitted a policy proposal for a National Professional Program (NPP) for principals, teachers and preschool teachers. The purpose of the reform was to develop teaching quality, strengthen the attractiveness of these professions and increase equity for students in Swedish education (Prop. 2022/23:54).
The NPP follows the international trend of evidence-based practice with policy techniques, such as certification standards for teachers and teacher proficiency (Holloway & Larsen Hedegaard, 2021) which also applies for school leaders (Møller, 2009). Pettersson (2008) points to how new actors, such as transnational institutions and regimes, have come to play a central role in exerting pressure to increase the national reform agenda, and how these affect Swedish national politics. During the 21st century, international organisations such as OECD, have influenced educational systems, and PISA has taken on an increasingly prominent position as an authoritative measurement of knowledge, functioning as a regulatory mechanism (Lingard et al., 2013). The driving role of the OECD is viewed as a consequence of the neoliberal ideology rooted in the 1980s (Baltzer, 2020).
Around the globe, a crisis discourse has emerged, which legitimises educational reforms (Nordin, 2014). Based on the declining performance of Swedish students in PISA 2012, the OECD (2015;216) recommended a comprehensive and system-wide national school improvement strategy in Sweden. One aim was to improve the attractiveness of teaching and school leadership, and professionalism was highlighted as a central concept, characteristic of high-performing countries.
The OECD (2015) also pointed to insufficient coherence in Sweden’s recent career reform efforts: There is a lack of clarity in responsibilities of education priorities at various levels of administration as well as varying capacity at local level. Further, they draw attention to an imbalance between accountability and local autonomy. OECD’s concrete policy recommendations were to design a career structure including national professional standards.
In line with the OECD:s recommendations, the Swedish government suggests introducing a national structure for professional development in Sweden, as well as a national qualification system for teachers and school leaders. This implies a continuous professional development (CPD) of teachers and school leaders, which will increasingly become a state concern (Prop. 2022/23:54, 2022/23:UbU13), contrary to the system from 1991 where local authorities have been responsible.
From an international perspective, the Swedish case is an example of transnational policy trends, carried by powerful agents such as OECD, including key elements of what Ball (2003) refers to as policy technologies and performativity. Professionals’ in-service training can be considered as part of state regulation, producing new professional roles and subjectivities.
By the NPP, professional performance and excellence, but also the life-long learning discourse, has been put high on the Swedish political agenda, as in many other countries. This can be seen as a part of an accountability regime that keeps a constant gaze on teacher performance, and also the life-long learning discourse (Heffernan, 2016; Rizvi & Lingard, 2009).
The aim of the present study is to visualise the discourses underlying the proposed policy. We will critically examine the intentions and the effects of the NPP policy. The study is inspired by Bacchi’s (2009) Foucault-influenced analytic strategy. Drawing on Bacchi’s methodological framework, ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ (WPR), the following research questions guide our study:
- What problem representations can be identified in the policy proposal of a National Professional Program?
- What presuppositions or assumptions underpin these problem representations and how have they come about?
- What effects for Swedish school leaders are produced by problematizing the policy proposal of a Swedish National Professional Program for principals, teachers and preschool teachers?
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
Based on our research questions, the study is designed as a text analysis. A selection of official education policy documents constitutes the empirical data and includes a total of four documents in the policy process that led to the proposal for the NPP. The first document is the 2015 School Commission's report with proposals for a national strategy for knowledge and equality (SOU 2017:35). That proposal led to the appointment of a special investigator to prepare a framework for the professional development of teachers and principals (SOU 2018:17). The proposal culminated in the government's proposal for a national professional program for principals, teachers and preschool teachers (Prop. 2022/23:54). The following parliamentary committee report (2022/23:UbU13) of the bill is also included in the empirical material. To give perspective on the context, another report has been used, however without per se being included in the analysis; on the municipalization of the Swedish school (SOU 2014:5).
Following Ringarp and Waldow (2016), we argue that reports by government committees, such as Swedish Government Official Reports (SOU), constitute the indicators for education policy-making discourse. In the analysis, a selection of Bacchi’s WPR-questions have been applied, as part of an integrated analysis (Bacchi, 2015). Bacchi’s Foucault-influenced poststructural analytic strategy makes it possible to open up policy proposals for critical scrutiny. According to Bacchi, policy proposals can be considered as prescriptive texts, setting out practices based on specific problematisations, having governing effects (Bacchi, 2012). By a close analysis of policy documents, the identified problem representations may reveal discourses on what can be talked about ‘as possible or desirable, or as impossible and undesirable’ (Bacchi, 2016, p.1). The problem representations will not only have discursive effects, but also subjectification and material effects (Bacchi, 2009).
The preliminary analysis of the documents started with a screening followed by an identification of the problem representations. Thirdly, the underlying discourses and possible effects were analysed. The analysis is in progress and a more in-depth analysis will be presented at the conference.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
A number of problem representations have been identified in the initial analysis of the documents. The most prominent are the NPP as a governance problem, a profession problem, an equity problem as well as a quality problem. Formulations regarding the profession problem are teacher deficiency, low status of the teaching profession, and difficulty in recruiting teachers. The NPP proposal can be viewed as an answer to rectify previous career reforms that have not been as successful as anticipated, for example the career teacher reform. Various examples claim that the state must take a clearer responsibility pointing to a steering problem. It is argued that there are system weaknesses, including the failing capacity and responsibility of many local governing bodies. Problems associated with students' results and equity are most palpable as narratives of a crisis discourse. The documents highlight that teaching is not of sufficiently high quality in all classrooms, and the quality of education varies within and between preschools and schools.
Across the documents, overlapping discourses of neoliberalism, lifelong learning and the equity discourse can be seen underpinning these problem representations. For teachers and principals to be "really successful in their profession, continuous competence development is required throughout their professional life" (SOU 2018:17, p. 22). Through "standards", the professional skills need to be strengthened as well as the status of the profession itself. By increasing the attractiveness of the profession, the student results will improve.
Many of the problem representations and underpinnings, found in documents stem from the OECD (2015) recommendations, point to the policy influence by international actors. The effects produced by the NPP proposal for Swedish local school actors are both an undermining of the school leaders’ local decision making regarding professional development, and a responsibilisation of the local actors for what can be perceived as system failures.
References
Bacchi, C. (2016). Problematizations in health policy: Questioning how “problems” are constituted in policies. Sage Open, 6(2), 1-16.
Bacchi, C. (2015). Problematizations in alcohol policy: WHO’s “alcohol problems”. Contemporary Drug Problems, 42(2), 130-147.
Bacchi, C. (2012). Why study problematizations? Making politics visible. Open journal of political science, 2(01), 1.
Bacchi, C. L. (2009). Analysing Policy: What ́s the problem represented to be? Pearson.
Ball, S. J. (2003). The teacher's soul and the terrors of performativity. Journal of education policy, 18(2), 215-228.
Baltzer, C. (2020). Lärarlegitimation som facklig professionsstrategi: En analys av den svenska legitimationsreformen som argument för lärares (re)professionalisering. [Doktorsavhandling, Åbo Akademi].
En bättre skola genom mer attraktiva skolprofessioner. (Dir. 2016:76). Regeringskansliet.
Holloway, J., & Larsen Hedegaard, M. L. (2021). Democracy and teachers: the im/possibilities for pluralisation in evidence-based practice. Journal of Education Policy, 1-20. https://doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2021.2014571
Lingard, B., Martino, W., & Rezai-Rashti, G. (2013). Testing regimes, accountabilities and education policy: Commensurate global and national developments. Journal of Education Policy, 28(5), 539–556.
Møller, J. (2009). School leadership in an age of accountability: Tensions between managerial and professional accountability. Journal of Educational change, 10, 37-46.
Nordin, A. (2014). Crisis as a discursive legitimation strategy in educational reforms: A critical policy analysis. Education Inquiry, 5(1), 24047.
OECD (2015). Improving Schools in Sweden: An OECD Perspective. https://www.oecd.org/education/school/Improving-Schools-in-Sweden.pdf
Rizvi, F., & Lingard, B. (2009). Globalizing education policy. Routledge.
Med undervisningsskicklighet i centrum – ett ramverk för lärares och rektorers professionella utveckling. Slutbetänkande av Utredningen om en bättre skola genom mer attraktiva skolprofessioner (SOU 2018:17). Utbildningsdepartementet.
Prop. 2022/23:54. Nationellt professionsprogram för rektorer, lärare och förskollärare. Utbildningsdepartementet.
Pettersson, D. (2008). Internationell kunskapsbedömning som inslag i nationell styrning av skolan. (Uppsala Studies in Education, 120). Doktorsavhandling, Uppsala: Uppsala universitet
Ringarp, J., & Waldow, F. (2016). From ‘silent borrowing’ to the international argument–Legitimating Swedish educational policy from 1945 to the present day. Nordic Journal of Studies in Educational Policy, 2016(1), 29583.
Schleicher, A. (2016). Teaching excellence through professional learning and policy reform: Lessons from around the world, International summit on the teaching profession, OECD.
Staten får inte abdikera - om kommunaliseringen av den svenska skolan. Betänkande av Utredningen om skolans kommunalisering (SOU 2014:5). Utbildningsdepartementet.
2015 års skolkommission (U 2015:03). Utbildningsdepartementet.
Utbildningsutskottets betänkande (2022/23:UbU13). Nationellt professionsprogram för rektorer, lärare och förskollärare. Utbildningsdepartementet.
Paper
Big problems - Small policies A Comparison of Two Initiatives to Combat Social Inequalities in Education in France and Germany
Hertie School & Sciences Po Paris
Presenting Author:France and Germany are among the European countries where a pupil's performance at school depends most on his or her social background. According to the 2023 PISA international survey, the difference in performance on mathematics tests between the most socially advantaged and the most socially disadvantaged students was 113 points in France and 111 points in Germany, both well above the OECD average of 93 points(OECD, 2023b, 2023a).
Numerous measures have been taken in Germany and France to address the 'big problem' of the strong correlation between social background and educational outcomes. The European Eurydice report on equity in education distinguishes several types of policy aimed at reducing this correlation(Eurydice, 2020).These are: support measures, which grant aid to socially disadvantaged schools and pupils; stratification policies, which modify the structure of the education system by reforming the number of secondary school streams, for example ; and, finally, standardisation policies, which determine the standards set in the school system, such as the level of autonomy of schools and the type of diplomas awarded.
I focus on two recent support policies: Schule macht stark (school makes you strong) (SchuMaS) developed in Germany in 2019 and Les contrats locaux d'accompagnement (local support contracts) (CLA) launched in France in 2020. These policies share an experimental format with an implementation in a limited number of schools (with option to be extended) and a limited budget. I am intrigued by the deliberately restricted format of these two policies. I want to explore the relationship that these 'small' policies have with other measures in France and Germany that also tackle the 'big' problem of social inequalities in education.
I ask the question: to what extent are SchuMaS and CLA bringing about change in the way social inequalities in education are dealt with in France and Germany?
To answer this question, I choose a neo-institutionalist approach(Scott, 2014). The institution I am interested in here is 'addressing social inequalities in education'. In France, the treatment of social inequalities in education is essentially thought of in terms of support policies. For the past forty years, the French have sought to reduce the impact of social origin on school results mostly by granting additional resources to schools with a high proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils (Heurdier, 2023). In Germany, the treatment of social inequalities is essentially thought of in terms of stratification policies. Debates about the advantages of a tiered school system drew the attention of politicians and impacted their approach to tackling social inequalities (Maaz, 2020). The German way of addressing social inequalities in education has traditionally focused on (de-)stratification measures. These two different ways of looking at the same problem inside Europe make the Franco-German comparison particularly relevant.
I put forward two hypotheses: H1 (self-reinforcement mechanisms)(Mahoney, 2000): CLA and SchuMaS do not break with the policies that developed before them. They confirm the path dependence of the way social inequalities are tackled in France and Germany. The ‘smallness’ of the policies would be a sign that they are being launched for political reasons, to give the impression that measures are being taken to combat social inequalities in education, but without really changing what was being done before. They would be "small" measures taken on the surface to avoid changing the education system in depth.
H2 (layering)(Mahoney & Thelen, 2010): CLA and SchuMaS bring about a gradual institutional change and are deployed alongside or on top of the other measures dealing with social inequalities in France and Germany. The restricted operating mode would make it possible to introduce innovation without making a sudden political break.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
I follow a case study research design based on qualitative analysis. My empirical data collection takes place within the temporal framework of these policies. From 2021, the year SchuMaS and CLA were launched in schools, to 2024, when the first phase of both ended. I conducted 34 semi-structured interviews (Rathbun, 2008): 20 in France and 14 in Germany. My interview guides focused on questions about the characteristics of the CLA and SchuMaS and the relationship between these policies and what already existed in terms of the fight against social inequalities in education. I adapted a common questionnaire to the specific institutional features of each country. I also adapted the questionnaire to each interviewee. I interviewed people from the world of politics, such as the Federal Minister for Education, members of ministerial cabinets, and people from the national and regional administrations. I also interviewed trade unions, experts, and researchers from the SchuMaS research consortium. To have a glance of the reception of the policy at the local level, I also interviewed head teachers and teachers. The interviews took place face-to-face or remotely. Before each interview, I sent interviewees a consent form to take part in a research interview. The interviews lasted one hour on average. I transcribed the interviews using Noota software. I made a distinction in the processing of interviews that were conducted with public figures such as the former Federal Ministry of Education in Germany or the three rectors of the three CLA experimentation academies, for example, and interviews whose data could compromise the situation of the interviewees. In the latter case, I have anonymised the content of the interviews. To guarantee this anonymity, I coded my interviews.
My analysis is also based on primary sources of various types: content collected from official websites: the French and German Ministry of Education websites, for example, or trade union websites. Also, tweets from politicians or videos of parliamentary sessions. I also used documents, including official, public documents or technical documents given to me personally. In the case of technical documents, I have anonymised certain elements where necessary. I also collected newspaper articles relevant to my analysis.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
In Germany, the experimental form of SchuMaS was meant to overcome an institutional constraint: in educational matters, the federal state is limited to funding research. In France, the experimental form of CLA is used as a political tool to gain acceptance for a new way of thinking about support policies in a context of highly influential veto players. The ‘smallness’ was thus in both cases a strategy to deal with a deeply entrenched institution. Albeit with different outcomes.
CLA brings a shift from support policies based essentially on social criteria to project-based funding. This change in the orientation of support policies seems to validate hypothesis 2 of an institutional change of the layering type. However, this result needs to be put in perspective, since CLA remains a support policy and reaffirms the traditional way of thinking about the treatment of social inequalities in France (H1). In Germany, SchuMaS is the first support policy launched at federal level to combat social inequalities in education. In this sense, it represents an institutional change of the layering type (H2): moving from stratification measures to support policies. I, thus, show that the apparent 'smallness' of the policies reinforced the institution of treating social inequalities in education in France, but led to institutional change through layering in Germany.
Given the economic weight of France and Germany in Europe, how and whether they deal with social inequalities in education will have repercussions for other economies and is likely to influence other states’ practices. Just as the ‘small’ policies can lead to institutional change (as in Germany), these big players in Europe would do well to learn from ‘smaller’ states but that are more successful at dealing with social inequalities in education. My study thus calls for further European comparison.
References
Becker, R., & Lauterbach, W. (2016). Bildung als Privileg. Erklärungen und Befunde zu den Ursachen der Bildungsungleichheit. 5. Auflage. Springer VS.
Eurydice. (2020). Equity in school education in Europe: Structures, policies and student performance.
Felouzis, G. (2020). Les inégalités scolaires. Presses Universitaires de France.
Frandji, D. (2008). Pour une comparaison des politiques d’éducation prioritaire en Europe. In M. Demeuse, D. Frandji, D. Greger, & J.-Y. Rochex (Eds.), Les politiques d’éducation prioritaire en Europe, Conceptions, mises en oeuvre, débats. Institut national de recherche pédagogique.
Heurdier, L. (2023). Regards historiques sur 40 ans de politique d’éducation prioritaire en France (1981-2021). Histoire de l’éducation, 1(159), 9–43.
Maaz, K. (2020). Mehrgliedrigkeit versus Eingliedrigkeit – eine unnötige Debatte? Die Problematik der Vielgliedrigkeit der Schulformen in Deutschland im Lichte internationaler Vergleiche der Schulleistungsforschung und Bildungsbenachteiligung. Lehren & Lernen, 46(2), 13–20.
Mahoney, J. (2000). Path Dependence in Historical Sociology. Theory and Society, 29(4), 507–548.
Mahoney, J., & Thelen, K. (2010). A Theory of Gradual Institutional Change. In J. Mahoney & K. Thelen (Eds.), Explaining Institutional Change, Ambiguity, Agency and Power (pp. 1–38). Cambridge University Press.
Miethe, I., Wagner-Diehl, D., & Kleber, B. (2021). Bildungsungleichheit, Von historischen Ursprügen zu aktuellen Debatten. Verlag Barbara Budrich.
OECD. (2023a). Country Note, France, Results from PISA 2022.
OECD. (2023b). Country Note, Germany, Results from PISA 2022.
Rathbun, B. C. (2008). Interviewing and Qualitative Field Methods: Pragmatism and Practicalities. In J. M. Box-Steffensmeier, H. E. Brady, & D. Collier (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Methodology (pp. 685–701). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Scott, W. R. (2014). Institutions and Organizations. Ideas, Interests, and Identities. 4th Edition. SAGE Publications Inc.