Conference Agenda

Failure in upper secondary education, high dropout rates, especially in vocational education and training, and other phenomena endangering youth education and life pathways success, draw the attention of researchers worldwide (Battin-Pearson et al., 2000; Bowers & Sprott, 2012). Contemporary research on the role of various risk factors, including typically family background, personal resources, and school experience, provides us with robust knowledge of the power of multiple risk factors and their interconnectedness. Focused on the school experience, when trying to refine this knowledge further, researchers come across weak evidence on various structural aspects of school organisation (conf. Alexander, Entwistle & Kabbani, 2001). In quantitative research, the search for a suitable construct representing the school experience and considering not only individual but also collective experience continues. For example, the construct of the culture of academic futility seems promising (see Straková, Simonová & Soukup, 2021). There is considerable scope to interpret the school experience of struggling students in qualitative research. Students’ narratives can bring valuable insights into the operation of the schools. Their perspective has rarely been used to interpret the complex phenomena of failure at the organisational level.
The objectives
The paper aims to identify students’ reflections on the school experience that uncover organisational processes that amplify or even generate risk factors of failure in the Matura exam. Such reflections may provide insights into school processes that have the potential to inform school and policy development initiatives.
The context
Failure to upper-secondary education graduation exam is a growing problem in the Czech Republic. The introduction of the common part of the Matura exam in 2013 deepened the problem. Since then, the net failure rate in examination has oscillated around one-fifth for the first attempt and more than one-half for corrective attempts (CZVV, 2020). The unsuccessful examinee can repeat the part of the graduation exam in which s/he failed at most twice within five years from the first attempt. However, unsuccessful graduates lose nearly all institutional support, and all responsibility for preparation for further attempts is past on to them.
The Matura exam in the Czech Republic now includes the common and the specific school parts. The school part developed on the tradition of decentralised Matura. It is rooted mainly in an outcomes-based paradigm (conf. Baird and Opposs, 2018). On the other hand, the common part tends to follow the psychometric paradigm and measures generic competencies. Therefore, when a student considers how to prepare for the graduation exam, s/he receives a mixed signal from the system; s/he should be proven competent by teachers (school part) and by uniform testing instruments (common part). If the examinee does not pass the Matura, s/he does not obtain a degree and has no proof of finishing secondary education. It means that after four years of study plus repeated attempts to succeed in the exam, s/he formally remains at the initial (basic) level of education without any vocational or professional certificate. It indicates an obstacle in his/her future life path and limits the possibilities of further employment, education or training.
For these reasons - and many others – the Matura exam is the subject of constant, mainly political discussions. A need for school-based intervention is growing in the Czech Republic (Czech school inspectorate, 2022) and globally (Larsen, 2021).

This presentation engages with the ageing workforce global debate and the occurrence of discrimination on the grounds of age in the workplace. It identifies current issues which are associated with ageism, highlighting potential solutions to address ageist structures, attitudes and practices in th workplace. Conducted over a seven month period, this research consists of a systematic literature review of 108 selected studies in the realm of older workers. This encompassed macro level and organisational level educational and other workplace contexts which were inclusive of policy and practice of older workers. This included recruitment, training, promotional opportunities, intergeneratioal organisational initiatives, heath and well-being and experiences of ageism. The analysis of the selected studies generated a series of recommendations on how to effectively address ageism and promote an intergenerational workplace which has benefits for both older and younger workers. While this research has implications, in particualr at a global level, it has many implications for the ageing workforce across Europe. This is in particular because of the new phenomenon of people living longer, opportunites to avail of good health care systems across Europe and the growing inerest of an ageing population across Europe to continue to remain cognitvely and physically active in the workplace and in their communities.

The increasing institutional concern with active ageing in western industrialised nations appears as a positive shift towards the recognition of older people's human rights and productive capabilities. However, older workers are frequently precludied from availing of opportuntiies to be active in the workplace or to reach their full potential . Opportuntiies for them to continue to work can be limited with precarious employment possibilities. Moreover the lack of reasonable salary scales and the limited recruitment pathways into new employment are normalised for many older workers across Europe. After the age of 50, older workers can frequently find themselves at risk of unemployment. This is given the increasing higher retirement age in Europe as well as the new required skills to engage with technological advancements.

Factors such as good health, the perception that older people's work is of value, flexibility and choice, and the need for an ongoing conversation across the lifecourse facilitate working life extension. On the other hand, poor health, negative impacts of work, not feeling valued, feeling lonely in the workplace, ageism and ageist attitudes can make older workers feel that they need to leave the workplace. Other factors such as a lack of respect feeling invisible,can leave older workers feeling like that despite their wanting to remain in the workplace, they are required to leave. This is further impounded by lack of organisational support and the perceived barriers to encourage older workers to remain in the workplace.

Research has demonstrated that health does not change significantly for those who formally retire because of choice, but worsens considerably for those who leave the labour market for other reasons. This has a significant impact on older people when they retire in terms of their overall health and well-being. This is contributed to when they experience feelings and attitudes associated with ageing. as a negative time in their lives. This is particulary if they leave the work place with a sense of feeling not valued, invisible, no purpose, or not belonging to a community of people and place.

The findings of this study highlight that when organisations and academia come together through research, policy and practice,ageism in the workplace can be addressed and eradicated. This begins with an inclusive partnership approach. Organisational Educational leadership leads in this important area of health and well-being. This is in educational practices promoting positive ageing policy aacross Europe.