18. Research in Sports Pedagogy
Paper
The Landscape of Physical Education in Alternative Provision Schools: What Does it Look Like and What Are the Challenges?
Tom Quarmby1, Anthony Maher1, Oliver Hooper2
1Leeds Beckett University, United Kingdom; 2Loughborough University, United Kingdom
Presenting Author: Quarmby, Tom
Internationally, the term alternative education settings (AES) is used to describe schools or programmes that serve young people who are not succeeding in traditional school environments, offering those pupils an opportunity to achieve in different settings adopting different, and often innovative, approaches to learning (Aron, 2006). Forterms et al. (2023) suggest it is difficult to provide an all-encompassing definition of alternative education because of the variation between alternative education options globally. Indeed, in Finland it is referred to as Flexible Basic Education (FBE), while in Australia, programmes that cater to young people not attending mainstream school are called Flexible Learning Options (FLO). However, in England specifically, the term alternative provision is employed, referring to education arranged by local authorities for children and young people of compulsory school age who, because of reasons such as school exclusion, short or long-term illness or behaviour issues, would not otherwise receive suitable education in mainstream schools (DfE, 2013). In England, this includes settings such as pupil referral units (PRUs), alternative provision academies, free schools, and hospital schools. According to the latest report in January 2022, the number of pupils attending alternative provision has increased by over 3,100 (10%) to 35,600 since 2020/21 (DfE, 2022).
Young people attend alternative education settings for many reasons, often because of a combination of academic, economic, behavioural, social, cultural and/or emotional issues, which have caused them to become disengaged or excluded from mainstream schools (Mills & McGregor, 2010). In fact, those attending alternative provision are often identified as being ‘at-risk’ or marginalised, may have suffered neglect or trauma during their childhood, or come from low socio-economic backgrounds (Forterms et al., 2023). Moreover, a 2018 House of Commons briefing paper reported one in two pupils in alternative provision in England having social, emotional, and mental health (SEMH) as their primary category of special educational need (SEN). Most alternative provision settings therefore seek to re-engage pupils with learning, as well as promote social and emotional development, with the aim of pupils re-integrating into mainstream education.
Crucially, physical education can play a key role here, offering a means of engaging young people in positive youth development (Holt, 2016), reducing risky behaviours (Audrain-McGovern et al., 2006), and providing opportunities for the development of healthy and supportive peer friendships and adult relationships (Eime et al., 2013; Vella et al., 2014). Moreover, Ayvazo and Aljadeff-Abergel (2019) suggest that physical education is a fruitful setting for the learning of values and social skills, engaging pupils in activities which inherently require social interactions (e.g., team games) and the demonstration of pro-social behaviours (e.g., self-control, treating others safely and fairly) in emotionally stimulating situations. As such, they argue that physical education can serve as a therapeutic setting for learning and practising social objectives (Ayvazo and Aljadeff-Abergel, 2019). Hence, physical education may represent a viable context for re-engaging disaffected youth within alternative provision settings, and could serve as a catalyst to facilitate the transfer of pupils from alternative provision schools back to mainstream schooling.
However, there is no prior research exploring physical education within alternative provision schools in England, specifically, nor internationally. As such, the aims of this novel paper are twofold: (1) to map the provision of physical education in alternative provision schools in England and, (2) to identify barriers and facilitators to the delivery of physical education from the perspective of practitioners (i.e., those tasked with delivering it).
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedTo address the two aims of this paper, we draw from a broader study that explored the role and value of PE in alternative provision schools in England across three distinct research phases. In phase 1, an online survey was distributed to lead practitioners of all alternative provision schools across England. This sought to identify how many alterative provision schools offer physical education as part of their curriculum, and how this is supported. To achieve this, a Freedom of Information (FoI) Request was approved by the Department for Education for the contact details of all alternative provision schools in England (approximately 350). A survey – containing a range of closed and open questions – was then distributed to these schools by the Youth Sport Trust (a UK charity promoting young people’s education and development through sport).
Phase 2 involved a purposive sample of lead practitioners from those alternative provision schools that responded to the survey in phase one (n=48). Specifically, 14 individual, online semi-structured interviews were conducted using Microsoft Teams, with each interview being recorded and the audio subsequently being transcribed verbatim. In addition to the 14 individual interviews, we held a focus group interview with 15 practitioners who attended an event run by the Youth Sport Trust. The conversations for this focus group were centred around some of the key findings from the survey. The dialogue between practitioners was recorded using a Dictaphone and later transcribed verbatim. The final phase included four case studies of children/young people within alternative provision settings (n=25) who took part in focus group interviews using a range of different creative methods.
The data reported in this paper draws from phases 1 and 2 only. The quantitative data from the survey was analysed using descriptive statistics, while the qualitative data was combined with the transcripts from the interviews and analysed thematically using both inductive and deductive procedures. The former (inductive) allowed the identified themes to be strongly linked to the data whereas the latter (deductive) allowed the data to be explored in relation to the socioecological model (McLeroy et al., 1988) which helped to illuminate the multidimensional influences that shape behaviour (in this instance, the delivery of physical education).
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsFindings from the survey revealed that 90% of alternative provision providers delivered some form of physical education, though less (78%) suggested that physical education was compulsory. In addition, physical education was reported to be delivered by a range of individuals with just 57% suggesting it was delivered by a specialist physical education teacher. The survey and interviews identified a range of barriers to delivering physical education in alternative provision schools. At the intrapersonal level of the socioecological model, our research found challenges included, but were not limited to, teacher confidence and competence, and a perceived lack of pedagogical content knowledge. At the interpersonal level, pupil needs and abilities, their behaviour, confidence and competence, and motivation were also reported as key barriers. Most prominent, however, was the space available (at the institutional level) to teach physical education. For instance, just 57% reported having access to an outdoor playground, while more than half (51%) did not have access to a dedicated indoor space. Furthermore, the standard of equipment and facilities, and the challenges of employing staff with relevant expertise were also cited, with interview data highlighting a ‘recruitment crisis’. Finally, negative perceptions and stigma of the children/young people who attend alternative provision at the community level, and a lack of financial support at policy level, were also reported as key barriers. This original paper is therefore the first to offer key insights into the challenges associated with delivering physical education in alternative provision settings and, given the extent of the barriers identified, it is worth noting that any interventions that aim to enhance physical education in alternative provision should seek to address multiple barriers across all levels of the socioecological model to increase the chances of success.
ReferencesAron, L. (2006). An Overview of Alternative Education. Washington, DC: Urban Institute.
Audrain-McGovern, J., Rodriguez, D., Wileyto, E., Schmitz, K. & Shields, P. (2006). Effect of team sport participation on genetic predisposition to adolescent smoking progression. Archives of General Psychiatry, 63 (4): 433-41.
Ayvazo, S. & Aljadeff-Abergel, E. (2019) Classwide peer tutoring in a martial arts alternative education program: Enhancing social and psychomotor skills. Preventing School Failure: Alternative Education for Children and Youth, 63 (4): 359-368.
Department for Education (2022). Schools, pupils and their characteristics: January 2022 [online] Available at: https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/school-pupils-and-their-characteristics
Department for Education (2013). Alternative provision statutory guidance for local authorities. London: Department of Education
Eime, R., Young, J., Harvey, J., Charity, M. & Payne, W. (2013). A systematic review of the psychological and social benefits of participation in sport for children and adolescents: informing development of a conceptual model of health through sport. International Journal of Behavioural Nutrition and Physical Activity, 10 (98): 1-21
Fortems, C., Hansen, B. & Glazemakers, I. (2023). Characteristics of youth in alternative education settings: A scoping literature review. Children and Youth Services Review.
Holt, N. (2016). Positive youth development through sport. London: Routledge
House of Commons Education Library (2018). Alternative provision education in England: Briefing paper. Number 08522. [Online] Available at: https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-8522/CBP-8522.pdf
McLeroy, K., Bibeau, R., Steckler, D., et al. (1988). An ecological perspective on health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly, 15: 351–377
Mills, M. & McGregor, G. (2010). Re-engaging Students in Education: Success Factors in Alternative Schools. West End, Qld: Youth Affairs Network of Queensland.
Vella, S., Cliff, D., Magee, C. & Okley, A. (2014). Associations between sports participation and psychological difficulties during childhood: A two-year follow up. Journal Science and Medicine in Sport, 18 (3): 304-309
18. Research in Sports Pedagogy
Paper
Self, Future Orientation, And Cultural Capital Among Low SES Youth Who Play Professional Soccers
Tamir Erez, Avihu Shoshana
Haifa University, Israel
Presenting Author: Erez, Tamir;
Shoshana, Avihu
This article examines how low-socioeconomic status (SES) youth who play soccer in professional clubs experience and define themselves, the place of soccer, and being professional youth players in their self-concept from the perspective of Bourdieu’s class theory. This examination may help in understanding the processes of socialization associated with sports among different classes and the acquisition of class habitus through sports (Bourdieu, 1978). The research literature linking class, education, and sports explores how specific sports are related to class (Bourdieu, 1978); the decision-making process of parents from different classes in enrolling their children in different sports as a leisure activity (Eriksen and Stefansen, 2021); and the acquisition of sporting habitus through specific sports (Schmitt et al., 2020).
However, little attention has been given to the youths’ perspectives in the literature. This lacuna should concern us because the study of youths’ perspectives can provide insights into sport socialization in class contexts (Stuij, 2005), the habitus and cultural capital (educational credentials and the possession of legitimate knowledge, traits, skills, and tastes) of sports-related activities (Lenartowich, 2016), and the transmission of cultural capital by sports coaches as socializing agents (Stuij, 2015) in the field of informal education. To explore these issues, this article reports on a study involving 22 in-depth interviews with low-SES youth who play in professional soccer clubs located in Israel’s geographical and social periphery. These youth players participate in professional soccer during after-school hours, i.e., in what is known as informal education or extracurricular activities (Friedman, 2013).
Against this background, this article poses five key research questions: How do low-SES youth describe their self-concept? What are the educational experiences of these youth in school? How do the youth describe their experiences of participating in professional soccer? What is the future orientation of these youth? Are the descriptions of the youth related to the processes of construction and maintenance of social inequality, and if so, how?
These questions are important in light of that recent decades, along with an increase in the number of children taking part in organized sports programs, amateur sports have been becoming more organized and professional (Mubarik et al., 2016). In the United States, for example, recent estimates are that approximately 45 million children and youth take part in organized sports. Seventy-five percent of families in the United States with school-age children have at least one child who participates in organized sports (Merkel, 2013). In Israel, it is estimated that half a million youth, male and female, engage in organized sports in schools, community clubs, and sports clubs, investing about 12–15 hours a week in practices and games (Noza, 2018). This allows little time for these youth to engage in other leisure activities, making the sports arena the largest informal “youth movement” in Israel, with more participants than all the other youth movements combined. The number of participants in all youth movements in Israel (such as the Scouts) is 350,000 (Zarhovich, 2018).
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedA total of 22 youth from low SES localities were interviewed. All youth selected for the study play soccer in competitive teams in a league run by the Soccer Association; they train at least three times a week and participate in official competitive games with other teams on the weekends.
Participants were selected using purposeful sampling (Patton, 2002). The main criteria were: Jewish youth [boys], aged 12–16, playing in competitive soccer clubs and living in the geographical-social periphery of Israel in low SES localities (clusters 3–5). Clusters 3–5 are the lowest SES clusters for Jews in Israel. All youth played in soccer clubs belonging to the lowest ranked (district) organized leagues. None of the youths’ parents, according to their reports, had an academic degree. Some parents have a vocational certificate (such as medical secretary or locksmith). Most of the youth reported that their mothers are housewives and do not work in the labor market. The interviewees were located by contacting officials (mainly coaches and managers) in various sports clubs.
The research tool in this study is a semi-structured, in-depth interview. The interviews, which lasted about an hour, included several sections: background information (e.g., place of residence, family structure, agenda); self-definition; leisure activities; school experiences; identity as a soccer player; values related to being a professional soccer player; relationship with the coach; and future orientation.
All interviews were analyzed using the methodological processes proposed by thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006). First, open readings were made of the transcripts to identify various themes mentioned by the youth freely and unrelated to the research questions. Next, targeted readings were conducted according to the research questions: self-definitions, culture and leisure, school experiences, the identity of a professional soccer player, the key values they develop through practice and play, relationships with the coach, and their future orientation. In the last stage, the transcripts were read to examine whether the youth addressed additional themes and issues that we had not identified in the previous readings.
The interviews were recorded using a mobile recorder with the consent of the interviewees and then transcribed. The names of the players were changed to maintain their anonymity. The youth and their parents signed a consent form to be interviewed for this study. The interviews took place after receiving approval from the ethics committee of the faculty at the university to which we belong.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe findings reveal that youths define themselves in positive ways, their daily lives revolve around soccer, and the role of professional soccer occupies a central place in their self-concept. At the same time, they expressed how their teachers and coaches perceive them in negative ways and in terms of their deficits (Atkins, 2010). The findings further show that youth do not perceive school as an important life space and have no academic aspirations.
Moreover, the youths in our study described how the teachers and coaches focused extensively on discipline, obedience, and turning the youth into decent citizens (“just be a human being”). In other words, this engagement expresses a practice of fitting in, in contrast to the practice of standing out (encouraging the uniqueness and excellence of the child compared to others) as commonly found among high-SES parents (Gillies, 2005). In line with Eriksen and Stefansen (2021), we argue that the qualities and skills acquired through striving to fit in (e.g., conformity, obedience) are not cultural capital that, in Bourdieuian terms (1984), will help working-class children gain benefits and privileges or symbolic and future capital.
Alongside their descriptions of soccer as central to their self-concept, the youths do not see themselves as good at any other occupation and do not consider alternative career paths. Most also expressed great confidence in their chances of becoming professional soccer players in adulthood and making a living from this occupation in a way that includes financial well-being. This perception, however, is challenged by studies in various countries that have found only a very small percentage of children and adolescents who engage in sports become professional athletes in adulthood (Farmer, 2019). We propose consider future orientation as a marker of social position or cultural capital (Appadurai, 2004).
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Walton (Eds.), Culture and public action (pp. 59–84). Stanford University Press.
Atkins L. (2010). Opportunity and aspiration, or the great deception?” The case of 14-19 vocational education. Power and Education, 2 (3), 253–265. https://doi.org/10.2304/power.2010.2.3.2
Bourdieu, P. (1978) Sport and social class. Social Science Information, 17(6), 819-840 https://doi.org/10.1177/053901847801700603
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Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa
Eriksen, I. M., & Stefansen, K. (2022). What are youth sports for? Youth sports parenting in working-class communities. Sport, Education, and Society, 27(5), 592-603. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2021.1894114
Farmer, A. S. (2019) Student-athlete to professional athlete: Confronting the brutal facts. Athens Journal of Sports, 6(3), 121-138. https://doi.org/10.30958/ajspo.6-3-1
Friedman, H. L. (2013) Playing to win. University of California Press.
Gillies, V. (2005) Raising the ‘meritocracy’ parenting and the individualization of social class. Sociology, 39(5), 835-853. https://doi.org/10.1177/0038038505058368
Lenartowicz, M. (2016). Family leisure consumption and youth sport socialization in post-communist Poland: A perspective based on Bourdieu’s class theory. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 51(2), 219–237. https://doi.org/10.1177/1012690213516619
Merkel, D. (2013). Youth sport: positive and negative impact on young athletes. Open Access Journal of Sports Medicine, 151. https://doi.org/10.2147/oajsm.s33556
Mubarik, M.S., Govindaraju, C., & Devadason, E.S. (2016). Human capital development for SMEs in Pakistan: is the “one-size-fits-all” policy adequate? International journal of social economics, 43, 8, 804–822.
Noza, I. (2018) Athletes in Israel share - This is how they turn sports into a career. Reali: A realistic magazine for businesses and consumers [Hebrew]. https://www.reali.co.il/?p=20231
Patton, M. Q. (2002) Two decades of developments in qualitative inquiry: A personal, experiential perspective. Qualitative Social Work, 1(3), 261-283. https://doi.org/10.1177/1473325002001003636
Schmitt, A., Atencio, M., & Sempé, G. (2020). “You’re sitting on a hot soccer field drinking Gatorade… I’m sitting in a yacht club just enjoying the view, enjoying the drinks”: Parental reproduction of social class through school sport sailing. European Physical Education Review, 26(4), 987-1005. https://doi.org/10.1177/1356336X20911386
Stuij, M. (2015). Habitus and social class: A case study on socialization into sports and exercise. Sport, Education and Society, 20(6), 780-798. https://doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2013.827568
Zarchovich, O. (2018, August 29). This is how the youth movements fill the empty space left by the education system. Globs. [Hebrew] https://www.globes.co.il/news/article.aspx?did=1001251664
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