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Please note that all times are shown in the time zone of the conference. The current conference time is: 17th May 2024, 06:20:16am GMT

 
 
Session Overview
Session
14 SES 03 B: Parents' Engagement and Academic Success
Time:
Tuesday, 22/Aug/2023:
5:15pm - 6:45pm

Session Chair: Beatriz Rodriguez Ruiz
Location: McIntyre Building, 201 [Floor 1]

Capacity: 184 persons

Paper Session

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Presentations
14. Communities, Families and Schooling in Educational Research
Paper

Proxy Parental Involvement in Education: Why do Parents Buy Shadow Education for Their Children?

Vít Šťastný, Barbora Nekardová

Faculty of Education, Charles University, Czech Republic

Presenting Author: Šťastný, Vít

Shadow education (an umbrella term for various forms of private supplementary tutoring) is a global phenomenon with serious implications for mainstream schooling as well as educational inequalities. Empirical evidence has pointed to a potential negative backwash on schooling when tutored students find school instruction boring or may even skip classes because of tutoring, it has uncovered unethical practices of schoolteachers who privately tutor their own students and analysed related social and educational inequalities, as more affluent parents may afford more quantities and qualities of tutoring for their children (Bray, 2009). It is a globally expanding phenomenon, and Europe is no exception. Furthermore, it is currently expanding even in countries where it was rare before, such as in Scandinavia (Bray, 2021).

Much of the scholarly literature so far has focused on macro or meso-level determinants of shadow education existence and has solicited data from tutors, students or teachers. However, parents are the main decision-makers in relation to the procurement of private tutoring for their children (Ireson & Rushforth, 2014), and yet their role remains under-researched. Various aspects of parental demand for shadow education for their children have been addressed only partially by previous shadow education research, and mostly in Asian contexts. Quantitative studies have focused on measurable determinants of parental demand and investigated, for example, psychological incentives (Ireson & Rushforth, 2014) or the role of socioeconomic status (e.g., Entrich, 2020). Only one study from China by Liu and Bray (2020) investigated how patterns of demand for private tutoring by individual parents emerged, expanded, decreased or terminated at different times, showing that the decision to arrange private tutoring is not a one-off process. They also identified various factors that influenced parental choices regarding private tutoring, such as choices of tutoring subjects, tutors, schedules, tutoring types or tutoring centres.

The present paper is part of a larger qualitative study that explores why and how Czech parents make decisions about private tutoring (i.e., before, during and after the termination of private tutoring) for their children. In the paper, we explore the initial parental decision to procure private tutoring for their child with the aim to answer the following research question: Why do parents decide to arrange private tutoring for their child and which factors influence their decision in which ways?

We frame our research findings in a wider theoretical model (Hoover-Dempsey & Sandler, 1997; Walker et al., 2005; Whitaker, 2019) that explains parental decision-making to become involved in their child’s education and how their involvement translates into student learning and achievements. The model stipulates that the decision for parent involvement is influenced by parental motivational beliefs (role construction and self-efficacy), their perceptions of invitations to involvement by others (school, child or teacher) and their perceived life context (e.g., time, energy, skills and knowledge, or family culture). In our study, we conceptualize shadow education as a specific form of parental involvement, and Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler’s modified model thus seems suitable as a conceptual lens to frame our findings from the qualitative study, which involved Czech parents who decided to buy private tutoring for their children.

Although the study reports on Czech parents and their motivations and decision-making processes regarding shadow education, its findings may also be pertinent to other European countries. The study shows, for example, how parents think about tutoring for entrance examinations in the context of early tracked systems, present also in Germany, the Netherlands or Slovakia, among others, but it also addresses more universal factors that are likely to be relevant to parents in most European countries, for example parental anxiety, educational competition or the role of school in forming parental decision-making.


Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
Design
The study is part of a larger project that employs grounded theory approach to bring a better understanding of parental rationales for buying shadow education, thus, it approaches the research problem qualitatively and is grounded in an interpretivist and constructivist paradigm.

Sampling
The main study informants were parents (mothers, fathers or legal guardians) of lower secondary schoolchildren (about 11- to 15-year-olds) who decided to procure private tutoring of any kind for their child in the recent past or who were currently considering doing so. The sampling strived to achieve theoretical saturation by keeping the principle of maximum variation in mind, thus it consisted of 37 informants from larger cities as well as smaller towns across the country, with tertiary education as well as with upper secondary education at most. It also covered various types of tutoring (remedial, enrichment or exam preparation). The recruitment of participants was done through social networks (especially Facebook), through advertisements in schools and also through personal contacts of the research team. Parents were also recruited through the snowball technique.

Data collection
The primary data collection method were semi-structured interviews. The interview protocol was developed and structured to cover the main areas of research interest (motivations to initiate private tutoring of the child, choice of tutoring, decisions while private tutoring was ongoing). The semi-structured interviews were conducted both in person and online and lasted on average 58 minutes. The data collection period started in February 2022.
Eight participants received follow-up interviews to study the evolution of parental decision-making and reasoning vis-à-vis the evolving contexts of private tutoring. Two participants allowed for a deeper investigation by interviewing the tutored children and private tutors. This helped to secure a deeper understanding of the parental decision-making processes in a mid- and long-term perspective.

Data analysis
All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. The interview transcriptions were coded using open and axial coding, both deductive and inductive analytical approaches were used as researchers rely both on preliminary codes and also develop new codes in the analytical process. The constant comparison approach was used to analyse the collected data (Corbin & Strauss, 2014).

Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
Parents in our sample perceived that caring for the educational needs of their children is a part of their parental role. This driver motivated not only their decision to buy private tutoring, but also other forms of involvement in their child’s education. Parents perceived limitations in their available time or in subject-related and pedagogical competencies as the main barrier for their own involvement in tutoring. In addition, parents expected that hiring an external tutor would increase their child’s motivation, willingness to learn and improve their attitudes towards the subject and studying in general. Invitations from the school or teachers were mostly implicit. Parents did not perceive the school as a partner, but rather an institution that was unable by definition to satisfy their child’s educational needs. They felt unable to change it in any way. Thus, private tutoring was perceived as a solution to poor schooling quality or to the setup of the education system (high-stake exams related to early tracking). Some parents even perceived private tutoring as more important for learning than the school itself. Explicit invitations from children were considered by parents as well, though the initial decision lied mainly with parents. Usually, the children only initiated demand for private tutoring if they had prior positive experience with it. Furthermore, parents were outsourcing a part of their parental duties to the tutors and involve themselves as proxies, rather than directly. After the private tutoring started, they remained actively involved (e.g., by monitoring the child’s progress, to check work that was done by the tutor) to make further informed decisions. The study adds to the existing scholarly literature on shadow education by providing a a thorough exploration of psychological factors that form parental decision-making for their proxy involvement in their children’s education in a form of procuring shadow education.
References
Bray, M. (2009). Confronting the shadow education system: What government policies for what private tutoring?. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; International Institute for Educational Planning.
Bray, M. (2021). Shadow education in Europe: Growing prevalence, underlying forces, and policy implications. ECNU Review of Education, 4(3), 442-475.
Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. (2014). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory. Sage Publications.
Entrich, S. R. (2020). Worldwide shadow education and social inequality: Explaining differences in the socioeconomic gap in access to shadow education across 63 societies. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 61(6), 441-475.
Hoover-Dempsey, K. V., & Sandler, H. M. (1997). Why do parents become involved in their children’s education? Review of educational research, 67(1), 3-42.
Ireson, J., & Rushforth, K. (2014). Why do parents employ private tutors for their children? Exploring psychological factors that influence demand in England. Journal for educational research online, 6(1), 12-33.
Liu, J., & Bray, M. (2020). Evolving micro-level processes of demand for private supplementary tutoring: Patterns and implications at primary and lower secondary levels in China. Educational Studies, 46(2), 170–187.
Walker, J. M., Wilkins, A. S., Dallaire, J. R., Sandler, H. M., & Hoover-Dempsey, K. V. (2005). Parental involvement: Model revision through scale development. The elementary school journal, 106(2), 85-104.
Whitaker, M. (2019). The Hoover‐Dempsey and Sandler Model of the Parent Involvement Process In book edited by Steven B. Sheldon and Tammy A. Turner-Vorbeck, The Wiley Handbook of Family, School, and Community Relationships in Education (pp. 421-443). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.


14. Communities, Families and Schooling in Educational Research
Paper

Stories about Parent Support in Single-mother Households : Decolonizing Discourse about Parent Support for Adolescent Educational Success

Doria Daniels, Carmelita Jacobs

Stellenbosch University, South Africa

Presenting Author: Daniels, Doria; Jacobs, Carmelita

Though an estimated 70% of South Africa’s children grow up in single-parent households (Bundlender and Lund, 2011) there is very limited research that focuses on parent resiliency in this type of family unit. Parent support and involvement continue to be informed by homogenising discourses that perpetuate heterosexual, middle class two-parent teams managing the family unit, and position men as central to such processes. When research on women-headed households are conceptualised, it is from a deficit perspective that characterises the family unit as a broken, incomplete family unit, and educationally disadvantaged (Gagnon, 2016; 2018; Hampden-Thompson, 2009; Hampden-Thompson & Galindo, 2015; Knowles & Holmström, 2013; Murry & Brody, 1999; Musick & Meier, 2010). Consequentially the studies are framed by a discourse that presume that children growing up in single-mother homes are at a higher risk of growing up in poverty stricken homes, and that they will have lower educational and vocational aspirations (Hampden-Thompson, 2009; Murry & Brody, 1999; Musick & Meier, 2010). Such research presume that single-parent families are at higher risk of experiencing stress and difficulty (Knowles & Holmström, 2013), and is more likely to portray the parent as less involved in their children’s schooling due to time, financial and social pressures. Our review of the literature shows that many empirical inquiries support this characterisation, which perpetuates the negative perception of single-mother families.

As women and critical scholars, we consider this portrayal of the single parent household as “broken, dysfunctional, incomplete, inadequate and inferior contexts when compared to married, two-parent, heterosexual families” (Gagnon, 2016, p. 20), to be the demonising of women-headed family unit. Our feminist standpoint is that the agency and resiliency that single mothers as heads of households bring to home contexts stay misrecognised in educational research on learner success (Ropers-Huilman & Winters, 2011, p. 671). Our study is situated within South African community where single-mother parenting is the norm. Though a plethora of research exists about absent fathers in South African homes (Holborn & Eddy, 2011; Mavunga, Boor, & Mphaka, 2013; Richter & Morrell, 2006; Okeke, 2018), research on mothers’ role in family building and support seldom is limited and narrowly focussed. Our article sets out to broaden the research framing of parent support by breaking with a discourse that centres two-parent households as the norm. We reclaim single-mother families’ place at the centre of mainstream society, and follows a decolonial, feminist research agenda (Kessi & Boonzaaier, 2018; Kiguwa, 2007; Mestry & Schmidt, 2012; Ropers-Huilman & Winters, 2011; Mama, 2011; Olesen, 2011).


Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
The study’s context is a low SES community where most of the residents live in informal housing and experience socio-economic challenges. This racially homogenous community is the result of separatist development as South Africa’s racial laws authorized its citizens to live in racially demarcated communities (SAIRR, 1993/1994). During the apartheid era the government demarcated this area as a traditionally ‘coloured’ township. The researchers share the same ethnicity, socio-economic background and gender as the participant community.

The research was conceptualised within a social constructivist paradigm, as the purpose of the research was to advance knowledge about the mothers’ subjective meaning making of their  real-world challenges  (Terre Blanche, Durrheim, & Painter, 2006). In an overwhelmingly patriarchal South African society, women are often stripped of their agency in the stories that are told about them. As black women we recognize the influences that the intersection of gender, race and class have on poor women’s life experiences. As such, we are always mindful about how inequality, discrimination and marginalization shape poor women’s life experiences.

This qualitative inquiry was a multiple case study (Merriam, 2009; Yin, 2003) with the bounded system being the single-mother family unit. Our selection of participants was motivated by their possession of rich data on single motherhood and educational support and their potential to be “good sources of information” (Patton, 2002, p. 51).  The unit of analysis was the stories of parents’ educational support to their adolescent high school child. The primary question guiding this research was:  What are the stories of educational support to adolescent students in single-mother families?

Though they live in the same community, each mother’s story about parent support is unique to her life journey (Rule & John, 2011). We negotiated access to their home environments and conducted semi-structured individual interviews with the parents, their adolescent school children and key informants. We also held a focus group session with strategic role players. These data collecting methods gave us creative flexibility to gain intimate knowledge of the participants’ living situations, their experiences, their interactions with education and the schooling of their children.

Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
For our analysis of the data we made use of Critical race theory and Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth theory to inform our findings.  Being a single parent raising a family seems to be a daunting task on many different levels for these mothers. Society would want us to believe that single mothers do not have a road map to educational success for their high school children because of their history of interrupted schooling. In our interviews with the mothers, we gained insight into how their own interrupted schooling shaped their views of education and the importance of their children’s education. We equate their inspirational stories with Yosso’s (2005) aspirational capital, which is capital that seeks to “maintain hopes and dreams for the future … and nurture a culture of possibility” (Yosso, 2005, p. 78). We found that the mothers used their own stories to inspire their children to value education and to work hard to reap the benefits that could come from education. As South African mothers they were navigating a world in which the histories and legacies of racialised oppression is still being felt in their poor, racially allocated, township. However, amidst daily adversity caused by poverty, unemployment and living in unsafe communities, the participants found ways in which to be resourceful.  They were resisting the repeat of their own histories in their children’s lives. The data contained many examples of familial, aspirational, social and navigational capital that mothers facilitate and that their families benefit from, when viewed through the CCW lens. These single mothers used various resources to support their adolescent children’s education, findings that show that the mothers are involved parents who are engaging with education as an investment in their children’s futures.
References
Budlender, D. & Lund, F. (2011). South Africa: A legacy of family disruption. Development and Change, 42(4), 925-946.

Daniels, D. (2017). Initiating a different story about immigrant Somali parents’ support of their primary school children’s education. South African Journal of Childhood Education, 7(1), 1-8.

Gagnon, J. D. (2016). ‘Born to fight’: The university experiences of the daughters of single mothers who are first-generation students in the United Kingdom.  Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Sussex: University of Sussex.

Gagnon, J. D. (2018). ‘Bastard’ daughters in the ivory tower: Illegitimacy and the higher education experiences of the daughters of single mothers in the UK. Teaching in Higher Education, 23(5), 563-575.

Hampden-Thompson, G. (2009). Are two better than one? A comparative study of achievement gaps and family structure. Compare, 39(4), 517-534.

Kessi, S. & Boonzaier, F. (2018). Centre/ing decolonial feminist psychology in Africa. South African Journal of Psychology, 48(3), 299-309.

Kiguwa, P. (2004). Feminist critical psychology in South Africa. In N. Duncan, K. Ratele, D. Hook, N. Mkhize, P. Kiguwa, & A. Collins (Eds.), Self, community and psychology. Compiled as a reader for Unisa students. Lansdowne: UCT Press.

Knowles, G. & Holmström, R. (2013). Understanding family diversity and home-school relations: A guide for students and practitioners in early years and primary settings. London: Routledge.

Mestry, R. & Schmidt, M. (2012). A feminist postcolonial examination of female principals' experiences in South African secondary schools. Gender and Education, 24(5), 535-551.

Musick, K. & Meier, A. (2010). Are both parents always better than one? Parental conflict and young adult well-being. Social Science Research, 39(5), 814-830

Olesen, V. (2011). Feminist qualitative research in the millennium’s first decade. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of qualitative research. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.

Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (3rd edition). London: SAGE Publications.
Ropers-Huilman, R. & Winters, K. (2011). Feminist Research in Higher Education. The Journal of Higher Education, 82(6), 667-690.

Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69-91.


14. Communities, Families and Schooling in Educational Research
Paper

Fathers’ and Mothers’ Parenting Competences with Adolescents

Raquel-Amaya Martínez-González, Beatriz Rodriguez-Ruiz, María-Teresa Iglesias-García

University of Oviedo, Spain

Presenting Author: Rodriguez-Ruiz, Beatriz; Iglesias-García, María-Teresa

Traditionally it has been considered that relationship between adolescents and parents is distant because of their search for autonomy, questioning of family and social norms (Sanders, 2013), and the risk behaviors they may adopt, generating stressful situations in the family coexistence (Martínez-González et al., 2007). Current human developmental theories provide a more positive vision of adolescence, emphasizing its potential for change through mutually influential relationships between the person and the cultural and ecological systems in which she/he interacts, including the family (Bronfenbrenner, 1987). The Positive Youth Development Theory (PYD) (Lerner et al., 2005) states that positive and adaptative adolescents’ behavior can be achieved if their interactions within their contexts tend to seek the well-being of all parties; this making a difference with the traditional approach of adolescence focused primarily on problems and the prevention of risk behaviors. In this regard, the family plays a key role as socializing agent. Therefore, fathers and mothers are expected to have the necessary parenting competences to perform positively their parenting role, specially through a democratic educational style based on respect and mutual understanding (Baumrind, 1991).

Traditionally and internationally, also at an European level, most studies on this matter have focused on analyzing mothers’ parenting competences and involvement in their children’s upbringing. When including both parents, most of them analyze jointly the father`s and the mother`s educational styles (Wang et al., 2011). However, the question arises as to whether their respective parenting competencies vary in both, and if these variations produce differential effects on adolescents. On the other hand, in the international review carried out by Yárnoz Yaben (2006) regarding the social changes of the last decades and their influence on the distribution of functions of the father and the mother, the authors concluded that adolescents perceive a close relationship also with their fathers, which positively correlated with their academic results, and adaptive behavior, thus emphasizing the contribution of the father to the well-being of their adolescents. Kan and Tsai (2005) found out that the parental educational style acts as an intermediary variable between the socio-educational status, children`s school performance and their state of mental health. McLoyd and Smith (2002) and Belsky et al. (2007) found that parents with low socio-educational level showed more indicators of low parental competence than those with higher educational levels; this due to their greater tendency towards the authoritarian style, which negatively affects the development of autonomy and self-esteem in their children; resulting in less academic achievement. Similarly, Huang (2018) found out that while the democratic and permissive parenting styles are more identified in families with a high socio-educational level, authoritarian and negligent styles are more associated with low socio-educational standards. When taking into account the gender of the parents, Bøe et al. (2014) found out that mothers with higher educational level tended to apply with their children less discipline methods based on shouting or threats, compared with mothers with lower studies, who used more these control methods; as an effect, the children showed higher rates of aggressive behavior, hyperactivity, anxiety and depression.

Despite the studies consulted, there is still needed to increase the knowledge on differential parenting competencies by gender of both parents, and how they may vary according to their literacy standards. This study aims to analyze these issues in order to identify possible implications for family intervention.


Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources Used
The study includes a Spanish random representative sample composed of 752 mothers and 670 fathers of adolescents, mostly from the same family unit. The Scale of Emotional and Social Parenting Competences for Parents of Adolescents (ECOPES-A) (Martínez González et al., 2021) validated by the authors through exploratory and confirmatory factorial analysis, was applied separately to both, fathers and mothers, to collect data on four factors: F1-Self-Control and Relaxation, F2-Self-esteem, F3-Imposition and F4-Communication. The Cronbach's alpha reliability index (α) for the total scale was around .70. An additional survey was also added to gather information on gender, educational level and other sociodemographic characteristics of the participants.
Access to families was made through schools, who collaborated after signing up their consent. The schools delivered to their adolescent pupils an envelope with two questionnaires: one for the mother and another one for the father, and a letter introducing the research.
Statistical comparisons on parental competencies based on the gender of the parents and their literacy level (compulsory, secondary or university) were carried out with Student's t test and analysis of variance. The effect size for the contrasts of two groups was estimated with Cohen's d, interpreting its magnitude as low when 0 < d < .20; medium-moderate when .20 ≤ d ≤ .50; and large when d > .50 (Cohen, 1988); in the contrasts of three groups, the effect size was verified with eta squared (η2), interpreting the magnitude small if η2 < 06, moderate when .06 ≤ η2 ≤ .14, and large with η2 ≥ .14 (Cohen, 1973). All calculations were made with SPSS 22.0.

Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or Findings
The results indicate that mothers are more confident with their teens than fathers do, telling them more often both how adolescents make them fell with their behavior and the positive personal traits mothers see in them (F4-Communication). This result indicates greater communicative competence in mothers than in fathers to relate to their adolescents, and to boost their self-esteem. This difference may be associated with other differential result obtained in this study, related to the fact that fathers perceive themselves being able to self-control themselves more than the mothers perceive themselves on this competence (F1-Control-Relaxation). This lower self-control ability on the part of the mothers may be due to their greater emotional involvement with their children, as stated by Laible and Caro (2004); as well as that they assume more tasks related to household functioning (Meteyer & Perry-Jenkins, 2010). This can make them feel higher levels of stress, especially if they also work outside the home, limiting them to manage properly their emotions in front of their teenagers. Regarding the influence of the educational level of the parents in their parental role with adolescents, the results of this study indicate that those with a university degree show higher levels of parenting skills than those with only compulsory studies. As practical implications of this study it is worth mentioning that the management of emotions in the case of mothers, and affective communication, especially in fathers, are relevant competencies to be reinforced in targeted parenting programs to families with adolescents. Likewise, parents with lower educational levels, whether they are fathers or mothers, need more support to change their imposition tendency and to develop parenting competences based on negotiation, affection and communication.
References
Baumrind, D. (1991b). The influence of parenting style on adolescent competence and substance use. Journal of Early Adolescence, 11, 56-95. https://doi.org/10.1177/0272431691111004
Belsky, J., Bell, B., Bradley, R. H., Stallard, N., & Stewart-Brown, S. L. (2007). Socioeconomic risk, parenting during the preschool years and child health age 6 years. The European Journal of Public Health, 17(5), 508-513. https://doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckl261
Bøe, T., Sivertsen, B., Heiervang, E., Goodman, R., Lundervold, A. J., & Hysing, M. (2014). Socioeconomic status and child mental health: The role of parental emotional wellbeing and parenting practices. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 42(5), 705–715.  https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s10802-013-9818-9  
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1987). La ecología del desarrollo humano. Paidós.
Cohen, J. (1973). Eta-squared and Partial Eta-squared in Communication Science. Human Communication Research, 28, 473-490.
Cohen, J. (1988). Statistical power analysis for the behavioral science. Lawrence ErlbaumAssociates.
Huang, C. (2018). Parenting styles and the development of non-cognitive skills among Chinese adolescents. Society, 38(6), 223-247. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chieco.2020.101477
Kan, K., & Tsai, W. D. (2005). Parenting practices and children’s education outcomes. Economics of Education Review, 24(1), 29-43. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2004.04.006
https://doi.org/10.1037//0012-1649.36.3.366
Laible, D. J., & Caro, G. (2004). The differential relations of maternal and paternal support and control to adolescence social competence, self-worth, and sympathy. Journal of Adolescent Research, 19, 759-782. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558403260094
Lerner, R. M., Lerner, J. V., Almerigi, J., & Theokas, C. (2005). Positive Youth Development: A view of the issues. Journal of Early Adolescence, 25, 10-16. https://doi.org/10.1177/0272431604273211
McLoyd, V. C., & Smith, J. (2002). Physical discipline and behavior problems in African American, European American, and Hispanic children: Emotional support as a moderator. Journal of Marriage and Family, 64(1), 40-53. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2002.00040.x
Martínez González, R. A., Rodríguez-Ruiz, B., & Iglesias García, M. T. (2021). Comparación de competencias parentales en padres y en madres con hijos e hijas adolescentes. Aula Abierta, 50(4), 777-786. https://doi.org/10.17811/rifie.50.4.2021.777-786
Martínez-González, R. A., Pérez Herrero, M. H. & Álvarez, L. (2007). Estrategias para prevenir y afrontar conflictos en las relaciones familiares (padres e hijos). Ministerio Español de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales.
Meteyer, K., & Perry-Jenkins, M. (2010). Father involvement among working-class, dual-earner couples. Fathering, 8(3), 379–403. https://doi.org/10.3149/fth.0803.379
Sanders, R. A. (2013). Adolescent psychosocial, social, and cognitive development. Pediatrics in Review, 34(8), 354–358. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/pir.34-8
Wang, M. T., Dishion, T. J, Stormshak, E. A., & Willett, J. B. (2011). Trajectories of family management practices and early adolescent behavioral outcomes. Developmental Psychology, 47, 1324–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0024026
Yárnoz Yaben, S. (2006). ¿Seguimos descuidando a los padres? El papel del padre en la dinámica familiar y su influencia en el bienestar psíquico de sus componentes. Anales de Psicología, 22(2), 175-185.


 
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