Conference Agenda

This paper addresses one of the most representative situation of educational systems: School transitions of students from one level to another and specifically, the transition from primary to secondary school, this being considered a significant milestone into school, personal and social trajectory of students (Calvo-Salvador y Manteca-Cayón, 2016).

In Spain, Antúnez (2007) and Monarca et al., (2013) argue that the transition to Secondary School supposes a strong cultural discontinuity, derived from the evolution of the educational system that has generate diverse purposes and demands, differentiated pedagogical methods and relationships, others than in primary school level.

Internationally, school transition have been a a persistent area of interest. Differrent studies advance knowledge on the complex factors and dimensions that shape the processes of transition to secondary school, such as: psychological (social, emotional and personality development, well-being, identity and self-esteem of students); sociological (social class, gender, minority groups, race, ethnicity and place of birth), curricular or organizational (knowledge management, pedagogical leadership, organization of times and spaces) and political (inclusive educational policies for social justice) ( Hargreaves, 1996; Evangelou et al., 2008; West et al., 2008; Jindal-Snape, et al., 2020) with a strong emphasis on supporting a successful transition from primary to secondary for all students.

One of the most important factors is the role of teachers and school professionals involved in transition processes (Azorín-Abellán, 2019). However, as reported by Hopwood et al. (2016) and Gro Marte Strand (2020) there are fewer studies that provides firsthand accounts and examine in close detail the daily practices of teachers and school professionals during the transition process, their role and involvement in pedagogical aspects such as: curriculum, teaching-learning methodologies, evaluation, relationships with pupils, school environment or specific programs to support transition.

In this paper, we briefly report the initial findings from an on-going research project known as: “Transition to Secondary Education. Pedagogical impact and consequences. (TESO.ICP). The project started in 2019 and it is funded by the Ministry of Science of Spain. The research project is carried out in several primary and secondary schools located in Andalusia (Spain) with the joint participation of teachers, school professionals, students, families, and researchers from University of Malaga (Spain).

Our project aims to study the processes of the transition from primary to secondary school to better understand the educational practice, the underline reasons of it, and how a whole culture is generated or built around certain beliefs, rites, and values of school activity. Both in Spain and elsewhere, the education systems are immersed in great social changes (gender culture, cultural and ethnic diversity, globalization, social networks, and knowledge society), that generate new approaches, and educational practices that seek equitable models to ensure the right to quality education for all students. Therefore, if we really want to find solutions to this problematic situation, this moment of transition is of such importance that it requires new insights and possible solutions to the necessary coordination effort of all the elements involved in education (Hargreaves, 1990). That is why it is unavoidable to return to a problem that continues to raise the concern of the educational community and society in a context of increased complexity and uncertainty to advance research and possible suggestions for improvement.

Specifically, in this paper we explore how teachers and school professionals are perceiving and experiencing the transition practices to secondary school, the situations in which the practices are carried out, and what kind of challenges and solutions do they propose to foster a positive transition experience to their students and families.

Traditionally, educational careers can be conceptualized as sequences of transitions and episodes. Many studies have focused entirely on students’ transitions at certain ‘branching points’ in the educational system (Baumert, Maaz, & Trautwein, 2009; Breen & Jonsson 2000; Mare, 1980). These studies assumed that a student’s final educational attainment level resulted from a linear sequence of educational transitions. However, as educational systems have become more open and flexible, educational careers may be less fixed than previous research suggested. Consequently, a growing number of studies are investigating educational track mobility and its impact on educational inequality (Backes & Hadjar, 2017; Jacob & Tieben, 2009). Blossfeld et al. (2016) conducted a cross-national study analysing how secondary school systems influence students’ educational trajectories in 17 countries. They found that mobility between educational tracks, while uncommon, was an important component of a non-standard educational career.

Like those in some European countries, the upper secondary school system in Taiwan is characterized by its differentiated features. After completing the 9-year compulsory education, students make their transition to senior secondary school, which is composed of different tracks. Many countries with differentiated school systems, including Taiwan, have implemented educational reforms that have opened up educational systems and provide flexibilities for track mobility. Track mobility has therefore regarded as an opportunity to adjust initial track placement and to soften educational boundaries between school tracks (Bellenberg, 2012; Winkler, 2020). However, little empirical research has explored the phenomenon of track mobility, including its main predictors, in Taiwan. It is important to bridge this research gap.

Studies conducted primarily in Europe have produced three key findings. First, mobility between educational tracks is relatively limited. Second, downward mobility is more common than upward mobility; specifically, students are more likely to move from more to less academically demanding educational tracks than from less to more academically demanding education tracks. Third, track mobility can be predicted by both school achievement and social background, which suggests that it mirrors the initial track placement. Accordingly, through corrective measures taken in the context of educational careers to change tracks, the distinct features of differentiated school systems have been consolidated (Backes & Hadjar, 2017; Blossfeld et al., 2016; Ditton, 2013; Stubbe, 2009).

In differentiated school systems, track mobility is often framed as a measure to correct mistakes in students’ initial track placements. Thus, students’ satisfaction with track placement could be an important predictor of track mobility. Such issue is particularly important in this study, since track placement in Taiwan is mainly determined by nationwide examinations. Consequently, students may not be placed in their preferred educational track and thus could be motived to change their educational tracks. Therefore, this study attempts to extend previous studies to take students’ motivation into consideration. Several empirical studies based on the self-determination theory (SDT) of Ryan & Deci (2017) have confirmed autonomous motivation in choosing an educational programme positively predicts retention intention (Girelli et al, 2018; Jeno et al., 2021). Accordingly, this study will analyse the impact of autonomous motivation in initial track placements on track mobility by using longitudinal survey data.

The main objectives of this study are as follows:

(i) Uncover trends in track mobility among senior secondary school students in Taiwan.

(ii) Investigate the influence of academic performance and autonomous motivation in initial track placements on track mobility.

The question of the popularity and effectiveness of institutions run by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as compared to public institutions is a matter of considerable debate throughout the world. The effectiveness of schools operated by NGOs, such as churches, religious organizations and foundations, is often explained by the fact that these institutions select and attract higher- status children, who were given better home education (Gibbons et al., 2006), and that school staff develop closer relationships with parents, creating a sense of community around the school (Coleman et al., 1987; Morris, 2010). As might be expected, the quality ranking of the public and the private sector varies from country to country or even from region to region, depending, among other things, on the traditions of the education system, the division of tasks, the regional and local social environment, and the social status of religious parents.

Families have a great influence on students' educational achievement and the greatest challenge for the education system is to compensate for the resulting disadvantages. The education policy aimed at reducing social inequalities in the school system emphasizes the importance of parental involvement in the children's academic life and education (Epstein, 2010). For this reason, research has been carried out on different ways of parental involvement and its impact on academic performance (Hamlin et al., 2016). Overseas research suggests that the institutional sector can have an impact on the attitude of schools towards parents. In the cross-sector research of parental involvement, the church sector, as the second-largest school provider in America, has received special attention (Hamlin et al., 2016). In the case of religious institutions, it can be assumed that choosing a school based on the parent-school value similarity promotes parental involvement (Coleman et al., 1987). Investigating ways of creating opportunities, early research on church-run schools pointed out specific patterns of engagement with parents (Greeley, 1982; Coleman et al., 1982, 1987; Morgan et al., 1999). Studies have shown that involving parents of low-status students in school activities created a community around the school, which greatly facilitates the cooperation between teachers and parents for the sake of academic success and in order to mitigate the risks that hinder progress (truancy, indiscipline, etc.). Little research was carried out on the details and methods of maintaining relationship with parents, or on how this is perceived by individual actors. In the past, traditional framing of parental involvement dominated, envisioning parents as supporters of school fundraising initiatives and events (Hamlin et al., 2016). Epstein (2010) extended previous models of parental involvement by developing a framework of six major types of involvement. The dimensions of parenting, communication, volunteering, learning at home, decision making, and collaborating with the community have contributed greatly to the advancement of research on parental involvement, as it draws attention to the role of teachers and schools. According to Epstein's approach, the phenomenon receives relatively little attention in schools maintained by NGOs. In a systematic literature review forthcoming in the International Journal of Educational Development, we have presented that not all of Epstein's dimensions are fully implemented in schools run by NGO, however, significant differences can be observed between education systems.

Our analysis, based on Epstein's typology, investigated whether we can speak of a different relationship with parents in NGO-run compared to that in the public sector. Our hypothesis was that we would find a special parent-school partnership in NGO-run schools, different from that in the public sector.