05. Children and Youth at Risk and Urban Education
Paper
Future Orientation among at-risk youth in Educational Boarding Schools
Avihu Shoshana1, Alin Frantsman-Spector2
1University of Haifa, Israel; 2University of Haifa, Israel
Presenting Author: Shoshana, Avihu;
Frantsman-Spector, Alin
The rate of out-of-home placement in Israel for residential care settings (and not for foster families) is among the highest in the world (Kosher et al., 2018). Most of the children and youth who experience out-of-home placement, referred to as “at-risk youth,” are usually from low socioeconomic status (SES) families. These young people are referred to therapeutic or educational boarding schools. Therapeutic boarding schools (termed “residential care” in English-speaking countries) are offered to high-risk children (e.g., those suffering from neglect and abuse). The educational boarding schools (also known as “youth villages” in Israel) are offered to low SES youth who are characterized by living under “other risk,” that is, “problematic” living conditions (poverty, social marginalization, and geographical periphery) that may impair their life prospects. At-risk youth who are educated in therapeutic and educational boarding schools, therefore, experience a myriad of exclusions and structural vulnerabilities. Moreover, as a consequence of their out-of-home placement and removal from their biological families, these young people experience external intervention in their self-concept (Schutz & Luckmann, 1974). Removing a child from his or her home also means loss of attachment figures or “ambiguous loss” (Boss, 1999). Ambiguous loss describes situations and events in which the loss is unclear or unresolved. This loss, in turn, has been found in several studies to be related to stress and anxiety. This distress “can manifest in problematic behaviors, such as aggression, delinquency, and depression” (McWey et al., 2010, p. 1339). Studies also show that at-risk youth experiencing out-of-home placement are more likely to adopt risk behaviors as well as have psychological difficulties (Sulimani-Aidan, 2015). It is against this background that phenomenological examinations of the daily lives of at-risk youth are particularly important.
This article presents an interpretative examination of the future orientation of 28 boys and girls who attend educational boarding schools in Israel, and who had been removed from their families as a consequence of their families’ extreme poverty and not due to other possible risk factors (e.g., sexual abuse, drug-addicted parents, immigration). We propose to dissociate from the elasticity (Lubeck & Garrett, 1990) that characterizes the umbrella concept of risk, which comprises many risk factors without discerning among them. The empirical examination of future orientation of a specific population of at-risk youth––i.e., educational boarding school students––is important in light of the characteristics of this disadvantaged population living under multiple social exclusions.
Thus the primary research question of the current study is what characterizes future orientation among educational boarding school students in Israel who experience multiple social exclusions. An empirical response to this question may contribute to several fields of knowledge: the study of future orientation among youth living under social exclusion and experiencing structural vulnerability; the study of culture, inequality, and future orientation; the long-term effects of out-of-home placement; the study of the linkage between SES and self-concept, or what Reay (2005) called, “the psychic landscape of social class.”
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedThe current study included 28 youths who were enrolled at various educational boarding schools throughout Israel. Participants were of high school age (16-18) and had been removed from their home against the background of their family’s extreme poverty. All the youths' families are described by the educational and therapeutic staff at the boarding school as living below the poverty line in Israel. All the families also reside in localities that the Central Bureau of Statistics in Israel describes as localities of low socioeconomic class. Moreover, the interviewees reported a significant percentage (about 70%) of their parents do not work or receive income support contributions from the National Insurance Institute.
About 40% of the youths had been removed from their homes by court order after their parents were charged with parental neglect of the child as a consequence of extreme poverty. The remaining participants were enrolled at the educational boarding schools by parental consent following recommendations from social workers.
The participants were selected using purposeful sampling. The first inclusion criterion was high school-aged youths. The second criterion was gender. We chose to interview an equal gender representation. Data analysis revealed no gender distinctions. The third criterion was the “risk factor.” We chose to interview only those youths who were removed from their homes against the background of extreme poverty.
The semi-structured interviews, which lasted from one to three hours in one sitting, included seven sections. In the first part, the interviewees were asked to describe their life stories freely. The second section included several questions intended to follow up on specific narrative descriptions related in the first part. The third section dealt with the interviewee's self-concept and included a single open question about how the interviewees would define their current self. The fourth section included questions about the decision to remove the interviewees from their home to an educational boarding school. The fifth section included questions about life in the boarding school. Part six included questions about the concept of future orientation. The final section included direct questions about the concept of risk, the removal of a child from home, the relationship with the parents, and the effects of being an at-risk youth. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. Data analysis was done using the model developed by Lieblich et al. (1998) to identify the content and form of narrative interviews.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsThe data analysis revealed four main themes: the desire to contribute to a better economic future for members of their nuclear and extended family; self-control over their future life; starting a family at an early age; and moral boundary work (contribution to the community and self-worth). The frequency with which these themes were presented reflects their prevalence among the students. Almost all the interviewees cited the first three themes. The fourth theme (moral boundary work), while heard less frequently and from fewer interviewees, was also reported by as many as half of the interviewees.
Unlike reports addressing at-risk youth in other studies, the current interviewees did not convey difficulty in formulating aspirations or projecting themselves into the future (Raffaelli & Koller, 2005). However, their future orientation did not express optimism (Frye, 2012), aspirations for higher education, or high-status jobs (Crivello, 2015). The interviewees also did not view higher education as a panacea to resolve their poverty and social exclusion (Frye, 2012). They did not subscribe to the neoliberal ethos of hard work as a means to achieve upward mobility (Franceschelli & Keating, 2018). Similar to other studies concerning disadvantaged youth, young people in this study expressed aspirations related to marriage, family, and employment (Bryant & Ellard, 2015). The distinctive aspect of this study is highlighting the close linkage––explicitly suggested by the interviewees––between their current and imagined future life circumstances.
This study’s interviewees linked their out-of-home placement experience with their aspirations and described a future that will “compensate” or serve as a “corrective experience” for a child who has been removed from his home and his biological-social environment. These future orientations, which are related to the interviewed youths’ current situation, may reflect the loss of attachment figures or ambiguous loss associated with removal from the home.
ReferencesBoss, P. (1999). Ambiguous loss: Learning to live with unresolved grief. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bryant, J., & Ellard, J. (2015). Hope as a form of agency in the future thinking of disenfranchised young people. Journal of Youth Studies, 18, 485–499.
Crivello, G. (2015). ‘There’s no future here’: The time and place of children’s migration aspirations in Peru. Geoforum, 62, 38–46.
Franceschelli, M., Keating, A. (2018). Imagining the future in the neoliberal era: Young people’s optimism and their faith in hard work. Young, 26, 1–17.
Frye, M. (2012). Bright futures in Malawi's new dawn: Educational aspirations as assertions of identity. American Journal of Sociology, 117, 1565–624.
Kosher, H., Montserrat, C., Attar-Schwartz, S., Casas, F., & Zeira, A. (2018). Out-of-home care for children at-risk in Israel and in Spain: Current lesson and future challenges. Psychological Intervention, 27, 12-21.
Lieblich, A., Tuval-Mashiach, R., & Zilber, T. (1998). Narrative research: Reading, analysis, and interpretation. London: Sage.
Lubeck, S., & Garrett, P. (1990). The social construction of the “at-risk” child. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 11(3), 327–340.
McWey, L. M., Acock, A., & Porter, B. E. (2010). The impact of continued contact with biological parents upon the mental health of children in foster care. Children and Youth Services Review, 32, 1338–1345.
Raffaelli, M., & Koller, S. H. (2005). Future expectations of Brasilian street youth. Journal of Adolescence, 28(2), 249–262.
Reay, D. (2005). Beyond consciousness? The psychic landscape of social class. Sociology, 39, 911-928.
Schutz, A., & Luckmann, T. (1974). The structure of the life-world. London: Heinemann.
Sulimani-Aidan, Y. (2015). Do they get what they expect? The connection between young adults’ future expectations before leaving care and outcomes after leaving care. Children and Youth Services Review, 55, 193–200.
05. Children and Youth at Risk and Urban Education
Paper
A Language Intervention Program in Urban Kindergartens
Ravit Cohen-Mimran
University of Haifa, Israel
Presenting Author: Cohen-Mimran, Ravit
The current study presents an intervention program that was implemented in kindergartens to empower preschool children from low socioeconomic status (SES) neighborhoods. In each classroom, a speech-language therapist (SLT), occupational therapist, and psychologist collaborated with the kindergarten teacher to evaluate children's needs and plan activities to achieve the goals. The language program that was delivered by the SLT aimed to improve the children’s vocabulary, enable them to develop pragmatic skills, and develop age-appropriate morphological and syntax structures. The purpose of the present study was to examine the outcomes of the language intervention program.
The language program was developed for preschool children from low SES families, that as a group, tend to have delayed language abilities compared to children from higher SES in various language domains (Hart & Risley, 1995; Fish & Pinkerman, 2003). Many of these children begin their studies at school with language delay (Fish & Pinkerman, 2003; Ginsborg, 2006; Hoff & Tian, 2005) and the gaps between children from different SES increase over the years of school (Schiff & Lotem, 2011). In addition, studies indicate that the incidence of specific language impairment among children of parents with lower levels of education was 16%–29%, compared with only 8% among children of highly educated parents (Dollaghan et al., 1999).
A common assumption is that early educational interventions during the preschool years lay the foundation for future educational and social success (Kaiser & Roberts, 2011). Moreover, intervention programs that use natural activities in a social context optimize social and verbal interaction, helping those with language delay to improve their communication and language skills (Vilaseca & Del Rio, 2004). Thus, the current language program was developed as an activity-based intervention, founded upon the naturalistic approach, which enables the clinician to set up opportunities for children to learn through age-appropriate interactive processes in natural settings. The clinician uses activities that allow the children to incorporate modeling and reinforce therapy targets within contexts that are meaningful to the child (Fey, 1986). The intervention was conducted in small groups that allow the child a greater variety of natural opportunities with peers and caregivers than do “one-on-one” interactions. Studies have shown that young children with language delay or impoverished language benefit from language interventions in a small group (Hutchinson & Clegg, 2011; Justice et al, 2005; Nielsen & Friesen, 2012).
As part of the program, a short language assessment was conducted for all children at the beginning of the year. The goals of the screening test were: 1.) To identify children with poor language skills, and to refer them to further comprehensive developmental language assessment. 2.) To identify children who need to work in small groups, and to divide them into small groups according to their linguistic level.
In the current study, this screening test was used to test the language level at the end of the year, as well. In addition, the same screening test was delivered to kindergartens in low SES neighborhoods, that did not participate in the program. The goal of the current study was to examine whether children enrolled in the program had different gains in language development compared with children who did not enroll in the program.
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedA total of 161 children participated in this study. All were from Hebrew-speaking families that lived in neighborhoods classified as low SES populations (based on the Central Bureau of Statistics 2009 report). The intervention group consisted of 114 children ages 33–57 months (average in months: 43.2, SD: 5.8, 47% girls) who attended the program in the district of Haifa. The city municipality gave its consent to use the data that was collected anonymously, to systematically evaluate the program. During 2017, for 7 months, an SLT came to the kindergarten once a week for 3 hours. The activities were based on children's books and the linguistic goals were integrated into the activities (see a full description of the intervention in Cohen-Mimran et al., 2014). All books contained colorful illustrations, vocabulary appropriate to 3-4 year old children, were not excessively long, and were narrative in genre. Six sessions were devoted to each book. In the first two sessions, the speech therapist read the book accompanied by pictures and explained unfamiliar and rare words. The four additional sessions per book were devoted to experiential activities related to its content (e.g., making a fruit salad, germinating a bean, creating and acting a play, etc.).
The control group consisted of 47 children ages 35-56 months (average in months: 45.2, SD: 6.3, 49% girls), from kindergarten classes that did not participate in the program (kindergartens outside of the Haifa district). The parents gave consent for their children's participation in the research, and it was approved by the Israeli Ministry of Education.
The screening test was developed based on two widely-used tests: the Preschool Language Scale (Zimmerman, Steiner, & Pond, 2002) and the Goralnik Screening Test (Goralnik, 1995). A total of 70 items from these two language tests were carefully selected and arranged in two subtests: an expressive language subtest that included 32 items and a receptive language subtest that included 38 items. These items represent the language development of Hebrew-speaking children ages 3-5 years (Berman, 2016). Moreover, the items represent diverse language abilities, including semantics (word meaning), morphology and syntax (grammatical structure), and integrative language skills (categorizing, completing analogies, and reasoning). The screening test took 15-20 minutes to administer.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsResults from two-factor RM-MANOVA of Groups (Intervention X control) and Time (pretest X posttest) showed a significant Group X Time interaction [F(1, 159) =4.94, p<0.05]. The control group scored significantly below the intervention group only in the post-test. For the expressive and receptive language subtests further Post Hoc t-tests were conducted. T-tests demonstrated no preexisting differences between these groups at the pretest for both subtests (expressive: t =0.87, p>0.05, receptive: t =0.77, p>0.05). However, the t-tests showed that the intervention group scored significantly above the control group on both subtests in the post-tests (expressive: t =3.30, p<0.01, receptive: t =2.54, p<0.05).
The current study expands on previous findings (Hutchinson & Clegg, 2011; Justice et al., 2005). The results revealed that young children from low SES families ages 3–5 years old benefited from the intervention that was provided by SLTs in small group settings during their regular kindergarten days. It is suggested that SLTs have a major role in helping children from low SES families develop sufficient language skills, enabling them to engage with the curriculum, and enhance their participation in kindergarten. Although the real-life nature of the current study caused limitations on our ability to control certain methodological issues (e.g., the SES groups were defined according to neighborhoods and not through parent questionnaires), the program and the data collected were a unique opportunity to explore the outcomes of a naturalistic intervention that simultaneously treated multiple linguistic abilities in meaningful contexts, and to reveal the positive affect of that approach on young children.
ReferencesBerman, R. (2016). Acquisition and Development of Hebrew: From Infancy to Adolescence (1st ed.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Cohen-Mimran, R. & Reznik-Nevet, L. & Korona-Gaon, S. (2014). An Activity-Based Language Intervention Program for Kindergarten Children: A Retrospective Evaluation. Early Childhood Education Journal. 44.
Dollaghan, C. A., Campbell, T. F., Paradise, J. L., Feldman, H. M., Janosky, J. E., Pitcairn, D. N. & Kurs-Lasky, M. (1999). Maternal Education and measures of early speech and language. Journal of speech, language, and hearing research, 42 (6), 1432-1443.
Fey, M.E. (1986). Language intervention with young children. Austin: TX, Pro-Ed.
Fish, M., and Pinkerman, B. (2003). Language skills in low-SES rural Appalachian children: normative development and individual differences, infancy to preschool. Applied Developmental Psychology, 23, 539–565.
Ginsborg, J. (2006). The effects of socio-economic status on children's language acquisition and use. Language and social disadvantage: theory into practice. John Wiley and Sons, LTD.
Goralnik, E. (1995). Language Screening Test for Hebrew-speaking Preschool Children. Netanya, Israel: Gai Agencies.
Hart B., & Risley, T. R. (1995). Meaningful differences in the everyday experience of young American children. Baltimore, MD: Brookes.
Hoff, E. & Tian, C. (2005). Socioeconomic status and cultural influences on language. Journal of communication disorders, 38, 271-278.
Hutchinson, J. & Clegg, J. (2011). Education practitioner-led intervention to facilitate language learning in young children: An effectiveness study. Child Language Teaching and Therapy, 27 151-164.
Justice, L., Meier, J., & Walpole, S. (2005). Learning new words from storybooks: An efficacy study with at-risk kindergartners. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 36, 17-32.
Kaiser, A.P. & Roberts, M.Y. (2011). Advances in Early Communication and Language Intervention, Journal of Early Intervention, 33, 298-309.
Nielsen, D. C., & Friesen, L. D. (2012). A Study of the Effectiveness of a Small-Group Intervention on the Vocabulary and Narrative Development of At-Risk Kindergarten Children, Reading Psychology, 33, 269-299.
Schiff, R. & Lotem, E. (2011). Effects of phonological and morphological awareness on children's word reading development from two socioeconomic backgrounds. First Language, Published online before print.
Vilaseca, R.M, & Del Rio, M.J. (2004). Language acquisition by children with Down syndrome: a naturalistic approach to assisting language acquisition, Child language teaching and therapy, 20, 163-180.
Zimmerman, I., Steiner, V., & Pond, R. (2002). Preschool language scale (1st ed.). San Antonio, TX: The Psychological Corporation.
05. Children and Youth at Risk and Urban Education
Paper
Probing into Chinese Left-behind Children’s Peer Interaction from a Perspective of the Hidden Curriculum
Shichong Li
University of Leeds, United Kingdom
Presenting Author: Li, Shichong
Social structure in the classroom could be formed by the interactions among people and the social norms shaped by those interactions (Martin, 1976; Giroux, 1983). Thus, peers and peer relations can function as the hidden curriculum in school or classroom contexts, given that many studies are also carried out to support this assumption. Regarding social links of peers in school or the classroom, peer relations have been proven to be the primary impact factor of positive or negative classroom climates (Çengel and Türkoğlu, 2016). Peers of students who act as peer leaders also share the roles of teachers in the classroom, which has been proven to encourage teachers and students to work interdependently (Giroux and Penna, 1979). The context of learning and the social relations used by teachers and students are also addressed in another research focusing on the norms and values shared as the hidden curriculum in a Cambodian context (Bray et al., 2018). Hence, it is evident that peer relations in school could be understood as the hidden curriculum.
The left-behind children (hereinafter "LBC”) are viewed as children under 18 whose parents are migrant workers (primarily internal migrants) in China who usually spend less than three months a year with their parents (Ye et al., 2013) . Families with migrants have skip-generation childrearing arrangements to support the left-behind children, which requires grandparents to take care of the LBC (Ge et al., 2019). Most of the LBC in rural areas board at school, given that relevant policies have been launched to protect them from risks caused by insufficient childcare caused by the childrearing arrangements during after-school hours (Zhao, 2011) . According to my data analysis experience and the lifted one-child policy (Feng et al., 2016), many LBC have peer siblings who are also under the supervision of the surrogate parents. In those living conditions, peer interaction and its impact are believed to be active.
Meanwhile, research has linked the LBC’s living experience in school with the concept of the hidden curriculum by viewing Chinese socio-political ideological forces on daily pedagogical practices and what LBC experienced as the hidden curriculum (Ren et al., 2020). In the Chinese cultural context, it has been proven that the value of collectivism, called moral education (in pinyin: de yu), has been embedded in the dominant curriculum through educational policy-making (Zhu, 2021). In this study, the concept of moral education defers from what Durkheim argued (Prus, 2019). On the contrary, in this study, I view the value of moral education in the Chinese context as the dominant curriculum (McCarthy, 1994) rather than the hidden curriculum considering the cultural diversities in different research contexts. Overall, it remains a knowledge gap regarding whether LBC's peer relations and social norms among peers are considered the hidden curriculum in school.
Based on prior research regarding the relational forms of the hidden curriculum, the social-economic impact on schooling that is identified as the hidden curriculum for the LBC in China, and the shared collectivist cultural norms of peer relations in the Chinese school context, I argue that the social norms and practices among LBC and peers in school can also be viewed as the hidden curriculum. Based on the above assumption, I collected data regarding peer relations and interactions of LBC in the Chinese context while using the theory of the hidden curriculum to answer the research questions: 1) how LBC interact with peers in school, and 2) what peer interactions can be viewed as the hidden curriculum in school?
Methodology, Methods, Research Instruments or Sources UsedIn this research, I am using the debates of the hidden curriculum as the theoretical framework for initiating prompts for interviews and analysing data. The emphasis of the hidden curriculum is on viewing life in school as a whole in both the learning and teaching experience (Jackson, 1990). Also, debates regarding hidden curricula vary (Kentli, 2009). Kentli compared several different understandings of the concept of hidden curriculum (Kentli, 2009) as follows: 1) Dreeben emphasised that the hidden curriculum helps to form a social relationship in the classroom (Dreeben, 1968); 2) Bowles and Gintis also argued that the hidden curriculum could be understood as a reproduction of the existing social structure in a classroom that indicates pupils’ intellectual ability and personal traits (Bowles and Gintis, 2002); 3) Vallance also believed that the hidden curriculum is the non-academic outcome which also is regarded as the impact of schooling on people (Vallance, 1973)；4) Martin emphasised that the social structure or the relationship between teachers and students can be understood as the hidden curriculum (Martin, 1976)；5) Giroux regarded the hidden curriculum as the unstated social norms embedded in the social relationships in school and classrooms (Giroux, 1983).
Online interviews and instant messages on WeChat have been used to collect data. I also observed their WeChat moment as the content for starting a conversation. Data analysis is also structured based on the literature reviewed above.
Conclusions, Expected Outcomes or FindingsDiscrimination against ecdemic float children (or migrant children) unconsciously led by one school teacher in one migrant hosting city has been identified in the case of Weiai’s (pseudonym) schooling experience in the era of diffusive internal migration in China. Weiai’s experience in peer relations can reflect the discrimination that Weiai received from the school teacher and her peers. The discrimination viewed as the hidden curriculum regarding Martin’s argument (Martin, 1976) then impacts Weiai’s left-behind experience when she returns to her hometown and is left behind by her parents. Claiming non-family bond peers as brothers or sisters to pull in intimacy has been proven as one of the social norms among LBC and their peers in school, which is also considered as the hidden curriculum regarding Dreeben’s argument (Dreeben, 1968). The popular game “truth or dare” played by Pangolin (pseudonym) and his peers involving their romantic fantasy regarding the girls they like in school is another social norm, which could be understood as a hidden curriculum regarding Giroux’s and Vallance’s arguments (Vallance, 1973; Giroux, 1983), as they tend to hide this game and the outcomes of the game from teachers in school. These social norms practised by LBC and their peers are viewed as the different forms of interactions among them, which are regarded as the hidden curriculum that impacts the socialisation of LBC in school. The impact of that can be negative, neutral or positive, considering different contexts of LBC’s social interactions with peers.
ReferencesBowles, S. and Gintis, H. 2002. Schooling in capitalist America revisited. Sociology of Education. 75(1), pp.1–18.
Bray, M., Kobakhidze, M.N., Zhang, W. and Liu, J. 2018. The hidden curriculum in a hidden marketplace: relationships and values in Cambodia’s shadow education system. Journal of Curriculum Studies. 50(4), pp.435–455.
Çengel, M. and Türkoğlu, A. 2016. Analysis through hidden curriculum of peer relations in two different classes with positive and negative classroom climates. Kuram ve Uygulamada Egitim Bilimleri. 16(6), pp.1893–1919.
Dreeben, R. 1968. On What Is Learned In School. London: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers Inc.
Feng, W., Gu, B. and Cai, Y. 2016. The End of China’s One-Child Policy. Studies in Family Planning. 47(1), pp.83–86.
Ge, Y., Song, L., Clancy, R.F. and Qin, Y. 2019. Studies on Left-Behind Children in China: Reviewing Paradigm Shifts. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development. 2019(163), pp.115–135.
Giroux, H. 1983. Theories of Reproduction and Resistance in the New Sociology of Education: A Critical Analysis. Harvard Educational Review. 53(3), pp.259–293.
Giroux, H.A. and Penna, A.N. 1979. Social education in the classroom: The dynamics of the hidden curriculum. Theory and Research in Social Education. 7(1), pp.21–42.
Jackson, P. 1990. Life in classrooms. New York: Teachers College Press.
Kentli, F.D. 2009. Comparison of hidden curriculum theories. European Journal of Educational Studies. 1(1968), pp.83–88.
Martin, J.R. 1976. What Should We Do with a Hidden Curriculum When We Find One? Curriculum Inquiry. 6(2), pp.135–151.
McCarthy, C. 1994. Multicultural discourses and curriculum reform: a critical perspective. Educational Theory. 44(1), pp.81–98.
Prus, R. 2019. Redefining the sociological paradigm: Emile durkheim and the scientific study of morality. Qualitative Sociology Review. 15(1), pp.6–34.
Ren, Y., Kushner, S. and Hope, J. 2020. The China’s Hidden Curriculum: Hukou, Floating Labour, and Children Left Behind. Critical Education. 11(9), pp.1–21.
Vallance, E. 1973. Hiding the Hidden Curriculum: An Interpretation of the Language of Justification in Nineteenth-Century Educational Reform. Curriculum Theory Network. 4(1), pp.5–21.
Ye, J., Wang, C., Wu, H., He, C. and Liu, J. 2013. Internal migration and left-behind populations in China. Journal of Peasant Studies. 40(6), pp.1119–1146.
Zhao, Z. 2011. A matter of money? Policy analysis of rural boarding schools in China. Education, Citizenship and Social Justice. 6(3), pp.237–249.
Zhu, Y. 2021. ‘Self’ (ziji), ‘others’ (taren) and ‘collective’ (jiti): Friendships at school embedded with China’s Confucian–collectivist sociocultural values. Children and Society. 35(6), pp.916–929.
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