Conference Agenda

How to get more young people to choose vocational pathways education has long been an emphasis in educational policy in Europe as well as the and the Nordic countries (e.g., Cedefop, 2020a; Helms Jørgensen, et al., 2018;). Iceland is no exception, and for a better part of century there have been concentrated efforts from different stakeholders to increase VET participation at the upper secondary education level (Eiríksdóttir, et al., 2018; OECD, 2013b) and this emphasis is still present in the current governmental policy. However, most upper secondary school students in Iceland choose academic pathways leading to matriculation over vocational pathways (Statistics Iceland, 2022). The percentage of upper secondary students enrolled in VET has remained around 30%, which is lower than the EU average of 47% (Cedefop, 2020b; Statistics Iceland, 2022). Therefore, despite education policy and stakeholder efforts, VET participation has not increased (Icelandic National Audit Office, INAO, 2017).

There are varied explanations for the preference of academic over vocational education, but the issue relates the disparity of esteem between vocational education and academic education (Billett, 2014; Billett et al., 2022; Field & Guez, 2018; UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2018). Academic education usually enjoys a higher status than vocational education vocational education is often considered a dead-end in the educational system as it generally has a narrow focus and usually does not provide access to higher education (Billett et al., 2022; Eiríksdóttir et al., 2018; Helms-Jørgensen et al., 2018; Nylund, et al., 2018). Academic pathways at upper secondary schools and higher education following graduation are seen as the key to upward mobility. Especially as academic drift and increased demand and requirement for university education have made this pathway predominant (Field & Guez, 2018; Jónasson, 2003). Also, the emphasis on employability, market readiness, and individual responsibility in vocational education can influence future social positions and prospects (Eiríksdóttir, 2022; Nylund, et al., 2018). The lower standing of vocational education can manifest in different ways, for instance through lower participation, increased drop-out, or the view that it is better suited to students who do not have the academic abilities for academic pathways (Billett et al., 2020). Addressing the issue of parity of esteem between academic and vocational pathways as it relates to the educational choices of young people is difficult as the decision of what to study is a complex one and under the influence of a constellation of factors, such as personal issues, practical concerns, or societal influences (Eiríksdóttir, 2022).

The research aims to investigate the standing of vocational education at the upper secondary level in Iceland, in comparison with academic pathways, through applications and admissions patterns over time. The goal is to assess changes in these patterns for the two pathways over the past 17 years, both through analysis of applicant characteristics (age, gender, place of residence – rural vs. urban) and type of field or program (sector and degree awarded). Understanding who applies for vocational education and how the application and admission patterns have changed over time is the first step in figuring out (1) why students do or do not choose VET in upper secondary schools, (2) why stakeholder efforts to increase the standing of VET have failed, and (3) where to target future efforts.

The phenomenon of social selectivity is a problem, which occurs in various European countries. The presented paper investigates the situation in Germany – a country characterized by a strong vocational training system, which is aiming to include young people from different educational and social backgrounds. However, former research shows that the opportunities to gain high level school-leaving certificates in Germany are very crucially influenced by the social background of young people. The phenomenon of social selectivity within the general educational school system is perpetuated in initial vocational education and training via the different school-leaving certificates. This is visible in the strong correlation between high-level school-leaving certificates and training occupations with a higher social prestige. The individual social background indirectly influences the transition into initial VET through school-leaving certificates, which makes the transition to different VET positions socially selective (Beicht & Walden, 2015).

This paper investigates whether social selectivity also exists with regard to adolescents’ work values, i.e. the importance individuals place on different job characteristics (Mortimer & Lorence, 1979; Johnson, 2001). Young people’s choice of an apprenticeship is determined by various factors such as their interests, social expectations, requirements in the VET system and market conditions (Ahrens et al., 2021). In the literature, two major value dimensions have repeatedly been identified. We also refer to this differentiation between extrinsic and intrinsic values (Mortimer & Lorence, 1979). Extrinsic values concern the rewards derived from the job but external to the work itself (e.g., income, prestige, and security). In contrast, intrinsic values involve rewards obtained directly from work experience (e.g., interest, challenge, responsibility, autonomy, and similar gratifying features). Intrinsic values can be differentiated further into two groups: The first one involves the use of abilities, expression of interests, and creativity. The second is a people-oriented set of concerns related to the chance to work with people and to be useful for society (Mortimer & Lorence 1979, p.1362). Sociodemographic aspects explain differences in these work values: A lower family SES is associated with higher extrinsic work values, whereas a higher SES relates to intrinsic and autonomy work values (e.g. Johnson, 2002). Research results regarding the effect of education are not consistent. Research also shows that work values undergo changes due to transitioning to work (Lechner et al., 2017). Our research aims to investigate the interrelatedness of different work values and the individual social background. We assume that selection and socialization processes can explain the variance of intrinsic, people-oriented, and extrinsic values among individuals in different vocational fields. Furthermore, we assume that young people select their training occupations based on their personal work values. Hence, when entering the labour market they attempt to choose a job that best gives them the rewards they perceive as most important. For example, people highly valuing extrinsic rewards select training occupations with a high potential to generate income, whereas individuals who prioritize people-oriented values choose occupations providing them opportunities to work with people. Regarding the interrelatedness of work values and social background referring to Mortimer and Lorence (1979) we assume that the importance of values in the process of occupational selection is greater at upper socioeconomic levels, because these individuals have higher qualifications and more social capital leading to a broader range of occupational opportunities (Mortimer & Lorence 1979, p. 1364).

This paper tries to answer the questions 1. whether individuals from a lower social background have different work values from those from a higher social background and 2. which other (not only individual) factors besides social background determine individuals’ ability to realize the fulfilment of their work values in their current job.

VET, and especially iVET, serves different values, based on national or regional traditions and the design of the educational different system. In some countries, VET is mainly seen as an educational offer to integrate people with low skills, which are hard to educate and train or who have physical or mental handicaps. In other countries, it is the first choice for most students, also for the very talented. In general, VET has the potential to integrate young people as well as lay the ground for a sustainable career for the very talented (Stalder, 2012). It is therefore not surprising that the standing of VET depends on a multitude of factors and differs significantly between countries and regions (Billett et al., 2022).
Students transition into VET either after the lower secondary or the upper secondary level. It is always a transition from school to VET. It is, therefore, important to look at how students move from school into VET. There is a plenitude of scientific work doing this with different perspectives (policy, economy, sociological, psychological perspectives etc.). An often-neglected topic is the role of teachers at school in career education. This discussion is often left to career counsellors, or teachers are asked to behave like career counsellors.
First, we will introduce the concept of career education in its historical context and how it relates to sustainable careers.
Second, we ask about the role of teachers in career education. We know that teachers either have no role at all in career education or that they are asked to help students find an occupation. The latter brings them into a role as career counsellors, which should not be the aim. Teachers remain better educators and do not become counsellors because this would overarch their professional role. However, it is surprising that in many papers on youth transitions into iVET or VET, teachers are explicitly or implicitly assigned to the role of a counsellor. We want to question this view and propose alternatives, also based on a model of how students move from school to work (Nägele & Stalder, 2017). We will discuss the role of teachers in career education.
Third, if career education becomes a goal for schools, what competencies should students develop? Often, the main question a student asks is, “What do I want to become?”. Is this a good question? Should it not be: “How do I learn to think and build a sustainable career?”. It is about sense-making and reflection, concepts borrowed from career counselling (Savickas et al., 2009) that need to be adapted to the educational context.
We will present the voices of students from within a system that serves, on the one hand, to integrate disadvantaged students into VET, as well as offer opportunities to the very talented students that would head towards general education in many countries. How does career planning in individuals start on the lower secondary level on how come they conclude to follow vocational education and not to go into general education? And what is the role of teachers in that process? We need to reflect on career education, and on how teachers can support their students in learning how to design their careers. This is a very different task from career counselling.